The Memorial unveiling

Komunikaty Mazursko - Warminskie
2010, nr 3 (269)

Prof.Gregory Bialunski (translation)

The intention of this paper is to present the activities of the opposition among the Prusai knights to the Teutonic Order knights at the beginning of the fifteenth century, and during the Great War with Poland and Lithuania. The special attention is given to the period after the Battle of Grunwald. Earlier period was reasonably well documented in the content of history on the Lizard Society2, and more recent work by S. Jozwiak, the espionage activity of some of the Prusai knighthood representatives3. In addition, I am interested in the issue of the so-called betrayal of Culmland banner at the Battle of the Grunwald. Up to now, in the existing historiography the subject about the knighthood opposition, in general, does not enjoy a great interest, apart from the article by A. Czacharowski about opposition in the chelminski region4. To the activities of the opposition members from Lizard Society, I also added their fate after the war. Ought to be also mentioned the brief outline by S. Jozwiak of the knights opposition in his latest monography of the Teutonic Order5 and my work on the Prusa family Klec6. The older literature worth to pay attention, is the work of S. Kujot7 and J. Voigt8.
The broad sense used here, the knighthood, includes the state of landowners liable for the military service and active in political life, therefore not only of the dubbed knights, but also some that were not (Knecht). My territorial interest, mainly the proper Prusai land and the Culmland, chronologically from the period of founding the Lizard Society until the court of knights at Bratian in the year 1414.

Before Grunwald

The Lizard Society was founded in 1397 as the knights brotherhood, they were to defend the members from all the lawlessness with the exclusion of the govering authorities and the public power in person the Grand Master9. At the head of the Society were four elders: Nicholas of Rynsk, his brother Janusz of Rynsk and Pulkowo and two other brothers - Frederick and Nicholas of Kitnowo. The place of the deceased Nicholas of Kitnowo from 1408 occupied Otto of Konojad. In historiography, it is universally believed that it was basically an opposition organization against the Teutonic Knights, they had a secret goal the detachment of Culmland and join it to Poland10. However, these are only drawn suppositions, coming from subsequent events, and futher more it lacks any traces of mistrust from the Order. Thus, either the Lizard Society the opposition activity of was not at all, or it was very well in conspiracy11.
By the time of the Great War, really there are not any significant examples of the knighthood opposition activity. However, it should be noted that in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth century, for the first time were recorded the demands and complaints of the knighthood from Culmland. As an example, the petition of the year 1400, that representatives of the Culmland knights were not called to attend their municipal courts (a trangress of the law by their subjects in the cities were to be heard only in their presence), with demand that the task to their court cases were dealt with by the Teutonic mayor of Lipienka12. Another case in the year 1408, the knights (not just Culm’s) along with the cities, submitted to the Grand Master petition of law abuse by the Teutonic officials13. All this can be used as an example of the increasing consciousness and open opposition of representatives of the knighthood to the central authority of the Order. Question, was that a trial of a secret opposition? Banner of Culmland in August and September 1409 took an active part on Dobrzyn raid, then such as Nicholas of Rynsk, Fryderyk of Kitnowo, Konrad of Plachaw, Otto of Konojad, Janusz of Szczuplinek and Nicholas of Pilewic received compensation for lost horses during the invasion14, the same was a case with many other knights15. This however, only on the surface indicates full cooperation with the Order, otherwise the knighthood could not do it becouse it would be obvious insubordination and the treason. It is useful in this context to draw attention to the issued document by the Grand Master Ulrich von Jungingen on 28 October 1409, with the surprising privileges for the nobility of Dobrzyn, and also to the knights of Culmland. He excludes the officials from the Teutonic knights jurisdiction, agree on their right of resistance against the Order authority and gives them ability to seek the care and the protection with neighboring rulers. In the case of any disputes with the Grand Master, the Culmland knights could look for protection from the knights of Dobrzyn (right of asylum)16. According to K. Gorski, privilege researcher , the released document was in exchange for the support and allegiance of Culmland knights in the war with Poland. K. Gorski, saw Nicholas of Rynsk among its founders17. This privilege was another example of the Prusai nobility conscious efforts to obtain the greatest possible benefits. Knighthood also sought to elicit powerful allies, guarantors for received privileges, probably by implication with the Polish and Lithuanians. Therefore, mutual secret contacts of the knighthood with the Polish-Lithuanian side seems to be the most likely.
When we'll look at the individual examples, it discovers traces of (admittedly weak) implicit opposition. The 10 September 140918 commander of Kowalewo Nicholas von Viltz informed the Great Master, that the knight Nicholas of Pilewic with the commander of Golub visited him and passed intelligence informations from Dobrzyn land by some "noble servant" the Nicholas von Eloyn. It is not known whether the informant served at the request of the commander of Kowalevo, or their geusts19. The information passed from Eloyn turned out to be inaccurate (incorrect indication of the whereabouts of Wladyslaw Jagiello), therefore historians assume that the "agent" played the role of disinformation, a significant part by Nicholas of Pilewic was most probable20. Until recently, a similar role has been attributed of disinformation to another knight - Gunter of Dylewo, son-in-law of Nicholas of Rynsk. Some commander of Ostroda in a letter dated on June 22, 1410, notifies the Grand Master that two scouts came to him from Mazovia, one of them was brought by Gunter of Dylewo. This same spy reported earlier to the head of the monastic commune in Dzialdowo that Prince Witold after June 24 was supposedly going to strike into Ostroda, while Jagiello after June 29 on Pomerania. Since the news were not true, then I suppose Gunter of Dylewa intentionally, through his man, introduced a false information to the Teutonic side21. Meanwhile, recent findings indicate, that the letter was for certain sent on June 17, 141422. Thus, the disinformation activities of Gunter of Dylewo before the Great War are lacking of any evidence.
Polish agent's role in the court of the Grand Master could be with Stanislaw (Staszko) of Bolumino. He was sent to Poland by the Grand Master in July 1409, with a task of secret mission. Just like Berthold his son, a servant (dyner) of the Grand Master23. Moreover, it is known that Staszko shortly after the battle, on 16 July, was close to the Polish King24, and then after he had to flee from the Teutons. This allows researchers to suppose that he could have worked before for Wladyslaw Jagiello25. Finally, it is worth while to mention John Surwillo, as perhaps the most reliable and unequivocal in the context of the knighthood opposition activities before the Great War26. His coming from the Lithuanian family, the owner of considerable property, gave the Teutonic Knights a number of diplomatic services, but the Grand Master Heinrich von Plauen accused him, that in the less known - and a distant time (von aldin vorgengin czeiten) - circumstances he became involved with the Lithuanian side and conveyed secrets of the Teutonic Order. We learn this from two letters of the Grand Duke Witold and the King Wladyslaw Jagiello to the Grand Master Heinrich von Plauen of the 17 and 18 August 1411 year27. Of course, both sovereign stressed, that these allegations of John Surwillo treason were unfounded and asked for him to have full use of his estate in Prussia. Despite the intercession of the Polish King and the Lithuanians, the Grand Master, upheld the betrayal accusation of John, and according to other document from 1416 - his estates were confiscated 28.
It is worth to notice, the Polish side was aware, or at least later (Dlugosz, The Chronicle of the conflict), about the events happened inside headquarters of the Teutonic Knights during the period after their withdrawal from the Kurzetnik on July 11. It is believed that one of the possible ways to obtain these information was by the messages from a "silent" Poland’s supporters operating in the close circle of the Grand Master (said Stanislaw of Bolumino or other Lizard?) 29. In this context, worth to mention a few Polish banners that were found in the house of Nicholas of Pilewic, after his arrest in autumn year 141030. These pennants served as identification marks, in my mind cannot see the sense of them used after the Battle of Grunwald. The circumstances at their use, should be looked for earlier time. The S. Jozwiak, thought that they were used as an identification marks during the battle31. It seems unlikely, it would be difficult to make a use of them at that time (also be seen by the Teutonic Knights side). However, their use is easier to explain in the period before the battle, especially if we assume that Nicholas, along with some Culmland knights (perhaps most familiar in the region), took part in the reconnoissance of Teutonic Knights. The participation of Polish spoken knights to take part in the Teutonic reconnoissance indicates a case from Kurzetnik. Then the scout "of origin, even a Pole", returned and reported to the Grand Master on a surprising retreat of the Polish army, although at the same time, as a puzzling and perhaps symptomatic is this that the scout could not determine where to the Polish army disappeared32.
In the part of known literature, the presence of the knight from the Culmland in the Wladyslaw Jagiello army during the Battle of Grunwald, was to be an example of obvious opposition. Some Hanko of Chelm (Chelmski), coat of arms Ostoja, first reported to the King of the one of squadrons the Teutonic Knights at Grunwald, and more specifically about it, "a few steps away from the King’s camp"33. According to SM Kuczynski he supposedly was "noble from Culmland (and therefore subject to the Order)" 34, which is probably due to the adjucent Chelmno name in Dlugosz as Chelm35. Meanwhile, he was a Hanek of Chelm near Krakow of family Chelmski coat of arms Ostoja36. He was probably the brother of another knight, better known, Peter Chelmski, then steward of royal court 37. During the war, Peter along with brothers, and therefore including Hanko, received from the king Lubawa (Petro et suis Chelmsky germanis) 38. Thus, even before the Battle of Grunwald, we see examples of the official knights opposition activities. Their conspiracy can be seen with caution, as indicated and cited cooperation examples on the part of their knighthood (Nicholas of Pilewic, Jan Surwillo and perhaps Stanislaus of Bolumino) with the Polish-Lithuanian side. This cooperation was not of very wide range and must be restricted to certain individuals deliberately seeking to increase role of the knights in the State of the Teutonic Order.

Grunwald - Culmland Banner39

The Prusai knighthood committed to a military service, took part in the Battle of Grunwald on 15 July 1410. Unfortunately, there is little, that we can say about their attitude. The most interesting case is the behavior of the Culmland banner with their head Nicholas of Rynsk. Some researchers considered that he participated in the decisive attack with 15 or 16 reserve flags at the final phase of the battle40. This, however, is not so obvious41. Contemporary sources do not mention this. Not a single ward is written in Cronica conflictus about the banner or its role 42. A little space is devoted by Jan Dlugosz, as a twelfth Teutonic flag belonging to the town of Culm43. Its bearer was Nicholas called Niksz, who the then Grand Master von Plauen "for alleged infidelity" had ordered to be decapited. Commanders of this banner were knights Janusz of Orzechowo and Konrad of Robakowo44. During the battle banner is no longer listed. In the eventual Nicolaus betrayal, chronicler did not believed ("alleged disloyalty").
The Culmland banner and most of it mentions the German chronicler so called, the continuator Posilgego: "A few bad guys - knights dubbed and not from the Culmland - lowered their flag, as well as other squadrons, of which [the Knights] fled, and so few of them got away with".45 Chronicler dumps a part of the guilt with the knights of Culmland ("Villains") and blames them for the defeat. Finally he indicates, the banners surrender by knights from the other squadrons and their flight, which had ended in their pogrom, all this is very doubtful. It is difficult to believe that the pogrom included banners, which had just surrendered. I think one can rather guess that the collapse of the Culmland banner, forced other banners to the escape and elimination some of their knights before the rest surrendered46.
In another note of the Teutons, found after the beheading of Nicholas of Rynsk, says that "Sir Nicholas of Rynsk, Culmland Ensign, who during the battle did not carry the banner as a man of honor, and [that] it has been proven and that he rightly was beheaded in Grudenz "47. Thus, only here a registered blame has been on Ensign of Culmland, the information logically binding about rolling up the banners at Grunwald, with the otherwise well known fact of the later death of Nicholas of Rynsk at the hands of the Teutonic Knights.
Still, we know nothing about the possible involvement of Culmland banner in 16-reserve Teutonic banners. This relationship appeared for the first and only time in the XVI century tradition recorded in 1510, in the Song of the Prussian defeat:

Culm army remained,
The sixteen banners they had.
In this master of Order intented,
Wanting Poles to surround

Undoubted source of this song was the message of John Dlugosz, however, the participation of the Culmland banner in those 16 banners he never mentioned49, what is more, that from his report such a connection can not be drawn. I do not see in the song any influence by Posilgego followers. At the same time it is difficult to suppose that it was just an author's figment of the song. The source of information, for example, could be the alleged more extensive version of The Conflict Chronicles 50. The author might have an access to the records indicate some other parts of a song. Just sufficient, to recall the Jagiello speech before the battle and crying reaction of the audience and then the rendition of song the Mother of God. Significant, that in Dlugosz the crying theme after the king's speech can not be found, but it is available to us in The Conflict Chronicle. The case of the relationship of these sources requires a very detailed research, these two examples indicate that the information about the Culm army in the Song of the Prussian defeat could have a foundation as solid source of information 51. The author of song incorrectly identified 16 flags with the whole Culmland military, it resulted from the fact, that in the source used only Culm banner is mentioned. To sum up, I favour the participation of Culmland banner in the 16 Order’s reserve banners attack 52.
We already know that Nicholas of Rynski with his companions - for sure not alone - decided not to fight, and thus lowering the flag. We do not know the exact moment of the surrender, the Polish side did not attach any importance to it, hence it had to be in the final phase of the battle. It shows the same the follower Posilgego, banners rolling mention after the death of the Grand Master53. Banner probably gave up as one of the first or for sure the first one, as it was the only one to be specifically mentioned. Later this act was considered as a treason and thus explained the defeat of Teutonic Knights at Grunwald54. The Teutons a non-optimistic situation caused probably submission and had not a major impact on the course of the battle55, although it could have affected the submission of other banners or their escape 56. It's hard to see in the whole situation a treason, since Nicholas and probably his companions were taken as prisoners of war57. The next day, knights were dismissed with their word that they will return when requested as prisoners.58. Shortly afterwards, when they wanted to pay homage to the king, received a complete pardon, in the thought, that for the prisoners was not possible to submitt with an oath 59. Despite the Teutons objections I do not think that Nicholas of Rynsk behaved unhonarably60, rather it should be assumed that this happened, as in other, better known examples. And so the flag of the Order’s guests St. George, their commander George von Gersdorff gave up on his knees, as preferred "with the honor to become a prisoners than disgracefully run away" 61. Giving the banner went to inprisonment62. Similarly, surrendered the princes: Sttetin’s Kazimier and Olesnick Conrad Bialy63. The other matter, that later Nicholas of Rynsk and some other knights unanimously declared themselves to be on the Polish side.
The day after the battle, only those prisoners were listed, who promised to turn up at the day of St. Martin (11 November) in the city of Krakow64. The most of them were released on the knight’s word, with the exception of some more important prisoners, such as Christopher von Gersdorff, relative of said George von Gersdorff. Jagiello released the Prussian knights and burghers, undoubtedly among them were the Culmland knighthood. Everyone, except those who immediately recognized the king's authority, had to give the word of guarantee that upon the request will be back as a prisoners65. The Jagiello letter on July 16 sent to the councilors of Torun and other Culmland cities, with the proposal of making to him an homage66, shows that Jagiello was going to take the possession of Culmland without a fight, this idea has been born the day after the Grunwald battle 67. One can only surmise that it could become after talking with representatives of the Culmland knights - Nicholas of Rynsk, Stanislaw of Bolumina, Janusz of Pulkowa, Nicholas of Pilewic and others, to the other cities and Prussia’s provinces there was not presented such a letter. Culmland cities, and also part of the knights, hesitated and had to be repeatedly admonished. The last such exhortation to the knights, to vassals and towns, the Polish king sent in writing on 28 July, at the same time sending his representative in the person of Stanislaus of Bolumino68. The states by a letter of 30 July confirmed the readiness of the meeting with the King (already decided in July 26, and introduced to the King by said Stanislaw of Bolumino). Finally, a declaration of tribute was made at the beginning of August69, earlier as mentioned, the king granted the remaining part of the imposed on them captivity.


1 This article was written as part of a research project founded by the Ministry of Science and Higher Education, nr N N108 251035.
2 M. Bartkowiak, Towarzystwo jaszczurcze w latach 1397–1437, Toruń 1948.
3 S. Jóźwiak, Wywiad i kontrwywiad w państwie zakonu krzyżackiego w Prusach, Malbork 2004; idem, Sposoby pozyskiwania informacji wywiadowczych przez urzędników krzyżackich w okresie Wielkiej Wojny (1409–1411), Komunikaty Mazursko-Warmińskie (dalej: KMW), 2003, nr 2. 4 A. Czacharowski, Opozycja rycerstwa ziemi chełmińskiej w dobie Grunwaldu, w: W kręgu stanowych i kulturowych przeobrażeń Europy Północnej w XIV–XVIII wieku, red. Z. H. Nowak, Toruń 1988.
5 Państwo zakonu krzyżackiego w Prusach. Władza i społeczeństwo, red. M. Biskup, R. Czaja, Warszawa 2008, zwłaszcza ss. 229–230.
6 G. Białuński, Ród Prusa Kleca ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem rodziny von Pfeilsdorfów-Pilewskich, Malbork 2006.
7 S. Kujot, Wojna, w: Rok 1410, Toruń 1910.
8 J. Voigt, Geschichte der Eidechsengesellschaft in Preussen, Königsberg 1823; idem, Geschichte Preussens, Bd. VII, Königsberg 1836.
9 M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., ss. 6–8, 29; W. Kętrzyński, O ludności polskiej w Prusiech niegdyś krzyżackich, Lwów 1882, s. 603; idem, O narodowości polskiej w Prusiech Zachodnich za czasów krzyżackich, Pamiętnik Umiejętności w Krakowie, t. I, 1874, s. 195; J. A. Łukaszewicz, Historia Towarzystwa Jaszczurczego, Grudziądz 1928, s. 144.
10 Por. M. Biskup, G. Labuda, Dzieje Zakonu Krzyżackiego w Prusach. Gospodarka – społeczeństwo – państwo – ideologia, Gdańsk 1988, ss. 340–341. In general, pointed to the words used in the foundation document: "our secret" (unsir heymlichkeit), por. M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., s. 7, 11, 43.
11 Tak już A. Czacharowski, op. cit., s. 82.
12 Acten der Ständetäge Preussens unter des Herrschaft des Deutschen Ordens, hrsg. von M. Toeppen, Bd. I, Leipzig 1874, Bd. I, ss. 91–92.
13 Ibidem, s. 110-111.
14 Das Marienburger Tresslerbuch der Jahre 1399–1409, hrsg. v. E. Joachim, Königsberg 1896, s. 570.
15 Por. A. Czacharowski, op. cit., s. 85.
16 K. Górski, O przywileju krzyżackim dla rycerstwa dobrzyńskiego z 1409 r., w: idem, Studia i szkice z dziejów państwa krzyżackiego, Olsztyn 1986, ss. 149–156; zob. M. Biskup, Materiały do dziejów krzyżackiej okupacji ziemi dobrzyńskiej na przełomie XIV i XV w., Zapiski Historyczne, 1960, z. 2, ss. 73–74, 79–81.
17 It is with this exaggeration of his later activity the punishment associated K. Górski, O przywileju, ss. 154–156. Active participation in the annexation of Dobrzyn by Nicholas of Ryńsk including his participation in the creation of the privilege also have seen Czacharowski A., op. s 85 Documented by the high payments on his behalf by the Order in October 1409, see Das Marienburger Tresslerbuch, p 561
18 The letter mistakenly dated 1410, por. A. Czacharowski, op. cit., s. 85, 94.
19 Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin, XX. Hauptabteilung (dalej: GStPK), Ordensbriefarchiv (dalej: OBA), nr 1342. Por. S. Jóźwiak, Sposoby pozyskiwania, s. 170.
20 S. Jóźwiak, Sposoby pozyskiwania, ss. 170–171; idem, Wywiad i kontrwywiad, s. 67; A. Czacharowski, op. cit., ss. 85–86.
21 S. Jóźwiak, Sposoby pozyskiwania, ss. 170–171; idem, Wywiad i kontrwywiad, s. 217; A. Czacharowski, op. cit., s. 86.
22 Justification see Józwiak S., K. Kwiatkowski, A. Szwed, S. Szybkowski, Wojna Polski i Litwy z zakonem krzyżackim w latach 1409–1411, Malbork 2010, s. 228, przyp. 216. The forward put argument by the author (S. Jozwiak) for 1414, (the Grand Master is present in 1410 in Torun, and not in Malbork, and asking Schiffskinder, whose only services were used after the Battle of Grunwald) dating it would add "after Sunday at St. Wit and Modest ", while in 1410 this day (15 June) was Sunday, which seems puzzling, the treatment process in the dating. At the same time Gunter of Dylewo was already pardoned by the court of knights at Bratian of 16 April 1414 (see further), so his service of information was most possible.
23 Das Marienburger Tresslerbuch, s. 551, 553, 560, 572.
24 Joannis Dlugossii Senioris Canonici Cracoviensis. Opera omnia, T. 13, Historia Poloniae, T. 4, ed. A. Przezdziecki, Cracoviae 1877 (cyt. Długosz, ks. 11), s. 66; Jana Długosza Roczniki czyli kroniki sławnego królestwa polskiego, ks. 10 i 11, translation J. Mrukówna, Warszawa 2009, s. 140; only description Boleminsky, without name.
25 S. Jóźwiak, Sposoby pozyskiwania, ss. 169–170.
26 Por. uwagi S. Jóźwiaka w: S. Jóźwiak, K. Kwiatkowski, A. Szweda, S. Szybkowski, op. cit., s. 89.
27 OBA, nr 1548 i 1550, por. Codex epistolaris Vitoldi Magni Ducis Lithuaniae 1376–1430, ed. A. Prochaska, Cracoviae 1882, nr 483 (partially wrong interpretationt, and wrong data – 23 August); Kodeks dyplomatyczny Litwy, wyd. E. Raczyński, Wrocław 1845, nr 8, ss. 145–146. Omówienie zob. S. Jóźwiak, Wywiad, ss. 218–219, idem, Na tropie, ss. 38–39.
28 Por. G. Białuński, Nieznany przywilej na Tarławki z 1388 roku, KMW, 2008, nr 3, ss. 334–335.
29 A. Nadolski, Grunwald. Problemy wybrane, Olsztyn 1990, s. 140. Other ways to obtain this information are: members of the Hungarian embassy or taken prisoners of Grunwald.
30 OBA, nr 1612; Fortsetzung zu Peter von Dusburgs Chronik von Conrad Bitschin, hrsg. v. M. Toeppen, Scripto- res rerum Prussicarum (dalej: SRP), Bd. III, Leipzig 1866, s. 486; por. A. Czacharowski, op. cit., s. 85; S. Jóźwiak, Sposoby pozyskiwania, s. 170.
31 Por. S. Jóźwiak Wywiad i kontrwywiad, s. 67, 218; por. S. Kujot, op. cit., ss. 217, 326–327.
32 Długosz, ks. 11, ss. 30–31: homo, qui et natione Polonus; Jana Długosza Roczniki, ss. 92–93.
33 Długosz, ks. 10–11, s. 36: venit Hanek miles de Chelm, de domo Ostoya, nuntians hostilem exercitum paucis passibus distantem se vidisse; ibidem, s. 90: Hanko Chelmsky; Polish translation Jana Długosza Roczniki, ss. 99–100, 168.Then at the retreat of Polish troops from Malbork, Sztum crew was included.
34 S. M. Kuczyński, Wielka wojna z zakonem krzyżackim w latach 1409–1411, Warszawa 1966, s. 364. Similarly M. Jučas, Grunwald 1410, Kraków 2010, s. 190.
35 Długosz, ks. 11, s. 78.
36 Por. K. Piotrowicz, Chełmski Hanko, w: Polski słownik biograficzny, t. III, Kraków 1937, s. 281. About the family see K. Niesiecki, Herbarz Polski, wyd. J. N. Bobrowicz, t. 3, Lipsk 1839, ss. 23–26 – though here is the lack of Hank; por. A. Boniecki, Herbarz Polski, t. II, Warszawa 1900, s. 364 –Hanko already here, and his brothers Peter (see below), Imram and John.
37 K. Piotrowicz, Chełmski Piotr, w: Polski słownik biograficzny, t. III, ss. 285–286. 38 Długosz, ks. 11, s. 80, 92 (Petrus Chelmsky miles); Jana Długosza Roczniki, s. 157, 171. 39 This section based on my previous work, with some additions and changes, por. G. Białuński, Uwagi o udziale chorągwi chełmińskiej w bitwie grunwaldzkiej, Echa Przeszłości, nr XI, 2010, ss.
37–42. 40 Por. K. Szajnocha, Jadwiga i Jagiełło 1374–1413. Opowiadanie historyczne, t. 3–4, Warszawa 1969, s. 458; J. Voigt, Geschichte Preussens, s. 93; tak też ostatnio S. Ekdahl, Aufmarsch und Aufstellung der Heere bei Tannenberg/Grunwald (1410). Eine kritische Analyse, w: Krajobraz grunwaldzki w dziejach polsko-krzyżackich i polsko-niemieckich na przestrzeni wieków. Wokół mitów i rzeczywistości, red. J. Gancewski, Olsztyn 2009, s. 56 –however, without the argument. 41 doubted it A. Nadolski, op. cit., s. 175; idem, Grunwald 1410, Warszawa 1996, s. 119.
42 Cronica conflictus Wladislai regis Poloniae cum cruciferis anno Christi 1410, wyd. Z. Celichowski, Poznań 1911; zob. też: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, t. II, wyd. A. Bielowski, Lwów 1872, ss. 897–904.
43 According to the research of K. Kwiatkowski, Dlugosz probably made a mistake, because Nicholas should be combined with the flag of Culmland mobilized at Lipienko (u Dlugosz No. 34), see S. Józwiak, K. Kwiatkowski, A. Szweda, S. Szybkowski , op. cit 425th Proof of this is found in today's Teutons sources of: her Nitcze von Renys, eyn bannerfurer im Colmischen lande, por. OBA 1612; Fortsetzung zu Peter von Dusburgs, s. 486 (according to documents from the archives of the Order in Vienna, the addition of footnotes).
44 Długosz, ks. 11, s. 43: Item duodecimum banderium civitatis Culmensis, [...] cuius ferentarius erat Nicolaus dictus Niksz Vexillifer Culmensis, quem Henricus de Plawen Magister Crucifericus, Ulrico de Iuningen succedens, quasi parum fideliter egisset, capite damnavit; ductores autem eius Ianussis Orzechowski et Cunradus de Replow milites. Polskie tłu- maczenie za Jana Długosza Roczniki, ss. 109–110. Similar in Banderia Prutenorum: Banderium civitatis Culmensis, quod ferebat Nicolaus dictus Niksz, vexillifer Culmensis, quem magister Prussie postea, quasi parum fideliter egisset, capite damp- navit; cuius ductores erant Janussius Orzechowsky et Cunradus de Ropkow milites, S. Ekdahl, Die „Banderia Prutenorum” des Jan Dlugosz – eine Quelle zur Schlacht bei Tannenberg 1410, Göttingen 1976, s. 178, here as 6 banner. Assuming the determination that it was here the Culmland flag, with its formal commander of Torun John Earl von Sayn, which in the light of contemporary practice was possible, por. A. Nadolski, Grunwald. Problemy wybrane, ss. 99–102.
45 Johann von Posilge Fortsetzung, hrsg. v. E. Strehlke, SRP, Bd. III, ss. 316–317: Und etliche bosewichte, ritter und knechte des landes Colmen, undirdruckten dy Colmissche banyr und ouch andir banyr, dy do fluchtig wordin, also das ir gar wenig davon quam.
46 Similarly, K. Szajnocha already, op. cit 462nd The message explaines and interpretes in different ways, for example, gave the following translation Kujot (then uncritically used): "And a few criminals, knights and nobles of the Culmland, lowered Culmn flag with other flags and fled. As a result, very few (of the army) be saved. " Same message considered "one of the stories, arranged on the side of the Order, to fake, to improvise the defeat at Grunwald" allowed at most honorable the surrender, "when there was no hope of victory," Kujot S., op. cit, pp. 166-168. The S. Ekdal recognizes the reality with media, the roll up banners at the decisive moment of the battle and of Culmland knights escape from the battlefield along with other flags, including Żuławy banners, S. Ekdahl, Die "Banderia Prutenorum 's 95th So maintain the vast majority of German historiography, from J. Voigt, Geschichte Preussens, p 93rd In the different way interpreted that reference by Pieradzka, recognizing that "in the battle knights and henchmen of the Culmland defeated troops sent from the same land by the Teutons" (sic), see K. Pieradzka, Battle of Grunwald chronicles in foreign relations (Prussian Silesia and West), Maharashtra Historical Studies, R. III, z 1/2, 1960, page 55 Still another translation gave Janosz-Biskupowa "confident villains, knights and squires of Culmland abandoned banner, as well as other banners and fled, but a few escaped their fate" see. The Culm in the past. The choice of source texts, edited by M. Bishop, Torun 1961, p 65th Recently followed suit K. Kwiatkowski, see S. Józwiak, K. Kwiatkowski, A. Szwed, S. Szybkowski, op. cit, p 425, who took leaving Culmland banners by the Knights and the servants during the flight.
47 Fortsetzung zu Peter von Dusburgs, s. 486 (according to a document from the archives of the Order in Vienna, the addition of footnotes): Item her Nitcze von Renys, eyn bannerfurer im Colmischen lande, der furte im nesten streyte die banner nicht als eyn bidderman, unde her wart des mit rechte obirwunden, zcu Grudencz wart her geköppt.
48 PiesnoPruskiejporascze...,wyd.L.Rzyszczewski,BibliotekaWarszawska,t.III,1843,ss.370–374 Given in the then used language. What is in another copy of the seventeenth century, the most interesting verse has significantly changed: Culmland army was, But had it . In this, the master intented, Wanting to surround Poles. See S. Lempicki, the Word of Grunwald, Kraków 1945, p 39th Here was handed a version probably more in line with the spirit of Dlugosz ("all knights - lay down") and probably has happened through John Ostrorog, that the Song of those "creative" prepared for the issue (ibid., pp. 30-32).
49 Por. S. Ekdahl, Die Schlacht bei Tannenberg 1410. Quellenkritische Untersuchungen, Bd. I: Einführung und Quellenlage, Berlin 1982, s. 273. Ekdahl did not analyze the songs. In the above verse as Dlugosz acceptedt squadrons number was 16, as in a Kronika konfliktu said of fifteen or more.
50 see Kuczynski, op. cit, pp. 42-46. Against the existence of this presumed, of the more comprehensive version Kroniki konfliktu in favor is S. Ekdahl, Die Schlacht, pp. 139-149.
51 The functioning of the Kronika konfliktu in the fifteenth and early sixteenth century testifies its likely usage by the follower the Annales mansionarum Cracoviensium and by Bernard Wapowski, see SM Kuczynski, op. cit, p 11; S. Ekdahl, Die Schlacht, s 145th The Kronika konfliktu certainly benefited by the author of fifteenth-century poem about battle of Grunwald, starting with the words Anna milleno ..., see Part. Ochalowna, the Battle of Grunwald in the Polish-Latin poetry of the fifteenth century, Region Historical Studies, R. III, z 1/2, 1960, pp. 88, 102-103. The fact that it was a version of the wider chronicles indicate otherwise unknown episode about the death of a man named Hinpretha (Hunpretha, Hympfeltha), perhaps the commander Nieszawa Gottfried von Hatzfeld (wrongly dedicated, but according to the rhyme to Grinphet »Grunphelt" - Grunwald) , the compatibility with other information, such as Jagiello speech after the adoption of the delegation of the Teutonic Members (which Dlugosz does not mention). Even more clear is the convergence of the Songs of the Prussian defeat, which starts from the application of the battle date, and in a detail says of the Teutonic Order messangers. The same is the pronunciation of the two versions: victory is a reward for Poles against Teuton’s pride ss. ibid, pp. 102-103. According to the Ochalowna, they are borrowed by author from the earlier songs Anna milleno line ... but these versions exclude other separate information (including from Dlugosz), which are found in the song. The issue of connections between all of these messages is one of the most important research demands for the near future.
52 K. Szajnocha, op. cit 458th You can also explain the seemingly puzzling silence on this matter by Dlugosz because he thought it to be true the later oral tradition of Nicholas of Rynsk, operating on the Culmland in the middle of XV century. (Supposedly not been executed for treason by Grand Master Heinrich von Plauen, but died on the second day after the Battle of Grunwald, where, with the consent of king Wladyslaw, was shown him his banner, where there he was to be buried), see S. Ekdahl, Die „Banderia Prutenorum”, s. 117th This tradition probably came from the informants of Culmland, drawn from clergy of Torun, or knights (ibid., pp. 103-104, 178). In the Rocznikach the initial entry in the Dlugosz Banderia he treated with caution, still doubting Nicholas’ treason, while later, under the influence of new information gained in Torun, that was legendary in Banderia postscript. Was credited for his hand and not necessarily the same of Dlugosz, but apparently with his knowledge, attention . K. Gorski in Banderia Prutenorum Jan Dlugosz, ed. K. Gorski, London, 1958, pp. 23-26.
53 Johann von Posilge Fortsetzung, s. 316: Und slugin den vanen des meisters neder und ouch des ordins. Und etli- che bosewichte... . Recently, attention has also turned by K. Kwiatkowski, in: S. Józwiak, K. Kwiatkowski, A. Szwed, S. Szybkowski, op. cit 426th It is interesting that almost all of German historiography, which quite faithfully follows the source of, but just this moment they passe over in silence.
54 Por. K. Szajnocha, op. cit., s. 462; C. Krollmann, Fragen zur Schlacht bei Tannenberg, Oberländische Ge- schichtsblätter, H. XIII, 1911, s. 399; E. Schnippel, Vom Streitplatz zum Tannenberge, Prussia, Bd. 31, 1935, ss. 31–32.
55 Also S. M. Kuczyński, op. cit., s. 405; S. Kujot, op. cit., s. 168; similarly K. Kwiatkowski, w: S. Jóźwiak, K. Kwiatkowski, A. Szweda, S. Szybkowski, op. cit., s. 426; otherwise M. Biskup, Grunwaldzka bitwa, Warszawa 1991, s. 88, 102,He stressed that "significant" and "special role" of a banner in the final phase of the battle, stating premature capitulation of Ensign Nicholas of Rynsk.
56 From other sources known of escape Pruteni nostri and banner Zulawy: Et ipso die apostolorum habuerunt con- flictum; et Pruteni nostri fugerunt, et similiter illi de Insula; et interierunt nostri, w: Franciscani Thorunensis Annales Prussi- ci (941–1410), hrsg. von E. Strehlke, SRP, Bd. III, s. 315. Enigmatic wording defines Pruteni nostri, but most likely concerns the knights from the appropriate Prussian land, certainly not Culmland. However, it is impossible to indicate, for which flags, as have only mentioned the escape of Elbling banner, commanded by Commander von Werner Tettingen, whose escape repeatedly was called by John Dlugosz. Dlugosz, Fr. 11, pp. 26, 45, 49, 67, 78, John Annals Debt-Gosh, Fr. 10-11, pp. 89, 113, 118, 142, 155 Sometimes it is claimed that the commander because of an illness, at all did not participate in the battle, see S. Ekdahl, Die "Banderia Prutenorum" s 206th A different explanation, says Janosz-Biskupowa, by her it was just the another flags from the Culmland, see the Ziemia Chełmińska w przeszłości, page 66 Moreover submission of Culmland other flags is likely, the researchers mention, in addition to the said Culmland, land’s banners, Chelmno, and Commandery Torun, Brodnicka, because their battle signs got into the hands of the victorious army, see S. Józwiak, K. Kwiatkowski , A. Szwed, S. Szybkowski, op. cit, pp. 425-426.
57 On captivity of Nicholas of Rynsk indicates clearly written the legend in Banderia Prutenorum, por. S. Ekdahl, Die „Banderia Prutenorum”, ss. 103–104, 178 (captum). Stanislaw of Bolumino was also by Dlugosz said as one of the prisoners coming out of the Culmland, Długosz, ks. 11, s. 66; Jana Długosza Roczniki, s. 140.
58 Por. J. A. Łukaszewicz, op. cit., ss. 113–114; S. Kujot, op. cit., ss. 166–172.
59 Długosz, ks. 11, s. 78; Jana Długosza Roczniki, ss. 154–155; por.recent comments K. Kwiatkowskiego, w: S. Jóź- wiak, K. Kwiatkowski, A. Szweda, S. Szybkowski, op. cit., s. 461.
60 A tradition from the mid-fifteenth century, attributed him gallantry, heroism and great dexterity (erat enim mi- les et heroicus et in armis magni precii), S. Ekdahl, Die „Banderia Prutenorum”, s. 103, 178.
61 Długosz, ks. 11, s. 60, translation Jana Długosza Roczniki, s. 132.
62 Ibidem.
63 Ibidem, ss. 132–133; S. M. Kuczyński, op. cit., s. 409; S. Kujot, op. cit., s. 172 Also as a conscious break of the fight and surrendered evaluates A. Nadolski an example Nicholas of Ryńsk and the knights of Culmland, A.Nadolski, Grun- wald – problemy wybrane, s. 211This author does not exclude, however, that the submision of Lizards could additionally, was their reluctance to the authorities of the Order.
64 Długosz, ks. 11, ss. 70–71; Jana Długosza Roczniki, ss. 145–146.
65 S. Kujot, op. cit., s. 185.This is from the letter of Polish King to Torun of 26 July 1410 (Acten, Bd. I, p 145), the statement that the previously released prisoners by the King, have to appear on July 30, if the city, if has not made the required tribute(wellet ir abir des nicht entun [tj. pay the tribute], so sendet uns den egenanten Johan [von Marszow] und andir unsir gefangen, euwir mitburger, das sie sich bis Mittwoch nehstkomende unvorczöglich vor uns gestellen).
66 Acten, Bd. I, ss. 142–143, repeated 22, 23 i 26 lipca (ibidem, ss. 143–146).
67 Tak też S. Kujot, op. cit., ss. 185–186.
68 Acten, Bd. I, s. 146.
69 As evidenced of a letter to Torun by Polish ruler on 7 August with the command sent to Klaipeda, 100 armed, Acten, Bd. I, s. 148.

After Grunwald

 It was not until after the Battle of Grunwald, that the sentiments of opposition could be directly revealed. A chronicler of the Teutonic Knights wrote, "Knights dubbed and not, the most of country major cities - all took the side of the king and threw the Order’s brothers who still were remaining, out of the castles, passed them all to the King, and swore their allegiance and allegance to him" 70 . Yes, such an image can be considered as true, but when checked, it did not involve all the Prussian knighthood, but only his most active and conscious of their state representative position. Let us consider the examples known to us.


70 Johannn von Posilge Fortsetzung, s. 318: wend sich rittir und knechte und dy grosten stete des landes alle ummetatin czu dem konige und trebin dy bruder, dy noch blebin worin, von den husern und gobin sy dem konige und swuren im alle manschaft und truwe; translation (corrected) of S. M. Kuczyński, op. cit., s. 452.

Nicholas (Klaus) of Durag

At 17 (or 18) of August71 the dubbed knight Nicholas of Durag (her Claws von Döringe) from the land of Ostroda - seized the castle in Osterode with all their belongings, drove the monks out, then the castle and the town passed to Polish King72. Thus Nicholas preceded Polish-Lithuanian army, which departed on July 17 from the Grunwald battlefield. Knowing the area and that the garrison could easily (maybe by a trick) master the castle. It is not known if he did it on his own, or by collaboration with the Polish side. We rather can guess it was the second case, as we know more, that the King sent prisoners to Ostroda on July 17 with "the faithful guides" 73, perhaps with the local knights. This actions of the local nobility, in the agrement with Polish side, as of similar act by other knights in the Ostroda land ie. the castle in Olsztynek74 when from other source we only know of the participation Polish-Lithuanian army (17 July). 75 In this case, both sources probably just complement each other.
The further fate of Nicholas of Durag is unknow. He did not meet any punishment (as not mentioned with the other knights), and we do not see him among refugees in Poland. Therefore must be considered that he died or was killed in 141076, what could be the case because of his advanced age (see below).
Nicholas of Durag most probably a descendant of Conrad Düringa, the first owner of the estate in 1328, and judging from the German nickname, a native of Thuringia. He was probably his grandson, the first time was mentioned as a witness on a document in 1374 (von Clauko Doryngeswalde). 77 He did not die childless, as in 1408, were mentioned his children (kinder Clawken as Doringiswalde).78 He was by the Order considered a faithful knight, as an evidence received the honor of knighthood (probably only after 1408,), also received a substantial financial grants (in 1403 - 6 grzywien) 79, and the Grand Master paid a visit at the estate of Nicholas, October 1408.80


71 It is generally accepted as the date of July 18, por. S. Kuczyński, op. cit., s. 432; S. Kujot, op. cit., s. 188; S. Jóźwiak, K. Kwiatkowski, A. Szweda, S. Szybkowski, op. cit., s. 476; also originally E. Schnippel, Der Verrat von Ostrrode (1410), Oberländische Geschichtsblätter, H. V, 1903, s. 95 Later also did not exclude 17 of August, por. idem, Vom Streitplatz zum Tannenberge, s. 45 Given that the King was on July 18 near Ostroda, getting the castle to be rather on July 17.
72 OBA, nr 1612; Fortsetzung zu Peter von Dusburgs, s. 486: Item Osterrode das slos nam in eyn ritter, der his her Claws von Doringen, und stisz seyne hern davon und nam en das ere und hilt unsers ordens slos und stad vor dem konige zcu Polan; s. 487: Item her Claws vom Doringe nam das haws Osterrode in und nam alles, was do was, und treyp die hern von dannen und her antworte das slosz den Polan.According to K. Kwiatkowski Nicholas was for some time in charge of the castle (S. Józwiak, K. Kwiatkowski, A. Szwed, S. Szybkowski, op. Cit, p 476), but with ambiguous pronunciation of the first notes, excludes rather unique record of the other mentioned source cited above. This is also at odds with the fact passing Ostroda by King Ladislaus forward to Mazovia Prince Janusz I.
73 Długosz, ks. 11, s. 72, Jana Długosza Roczniki, s. 147.
74 Fortsetzung zu Peter von Dusburgs, s. 486.Here also mentioned are other castles , that have long since possessed and under control: Działdowo, Dabrowo and Nidzica, see S. Kujot, op. cit, p 187; S. Kuczynski, op. cit 359th It seems that it was rather, that later the local knights and residents of the city filed tribute to King, as it happened later in the Culmland or Ostroda that tribute was filed before July 22 (Acten, Bd. I, s. 144).
75 Długosz, ks. 11, s. 72, Jana Długosza Roczniki, ss. 147–148The opposition of the Prussian knighthood at the beginning of the fifteenth century
76 Tak też E. Schnippel, Der Verrat, s. 96.It is doubtful that mentioned October 16, 1410, in the writing by Balga, replacing the commander Ostroda, by some Klauko (OBA, No. 1364) was the same as the Nicholas of Duraga. Certainly he was a knight as specified by Herr, similarly as next to him the mentioned knight by Vogel. Did not rule out the identification by K. Kwiatkowski, although distinctly kept apart Nicholas of Durag and Klauke in Doringswalde. Por. S. Jóźwiak, K. Kwiatkowski, A. Szweda, S. Szybkowski, op. cit., s. 614, przyp. 312, indeksy.
77 Archiwum Państwowe w Gdańsku, 368, I 30;did not exclude E. Schnippel, Der Verrat, s. 97.
78 Das Marienburger Tresslerbuch, s. 507.
79 Ibidem, s. 258.
80 E. Schnippel, Der Verrat, ss. 95–96.

Dytryk Spirau of Dylewo

The dubbed knight Dytryka Spirau (her Dittrich Spyra) after the Great War was accused of making unspecified damages to the Order81 and killing Heineman Brock the faithful servent to the Teutons’. Perhaps for the fear of Teutonic reprisals he fled to Poland, where he stayed for some time. In the unknown circumstances, shortly after his return was killed (stabbed), seems, that this event was not involving the Order82. We have a problem with the identification of Dytryk Spirau, because at that time two persons were of the same - father and son, and both of them were knights. An additional research in this case is required. We assume that the above reference was made to the Dytryk older. However, his son has proven to be faithful to the Order and as such has been noted as a member of the national council of Prussia - one of the 32 Prussian knights - established in 1412 (Dieterich von der Delau), who obtained a small impact on the policy of the Grand Master and the Order 83. Another mention about Dytryk comes in the year 1416.84 Here definetly we are dealing with a son of Dytryk older, as with him also is mentioned his mother Zofia. More about him, a source from the years 1417-141885. The next and last time Dytryk younger (de Delow) appeared was in 1422 in the Melnenski Peace Treaty as a juror of Ostroda Land 86. Thus, older Dytryk probably died before 1412. Just like Nicholas of Durag - the old Dytryk Spirau was considered being trusted by Order. Most probably the same Dytryk, found in Elbling surroundings of the Grand Master, while in preparation for Kowno negotiation (December 1408) 87. In 1409, he received large loan of 200 grzywien from the Commander of Dzierzgon on the order of the Grand Master88. Dytryk Spirau was the owner of Dylewo and Szczepankowo in Ostroda region. Since around 1384, he was called as Dytryk von der Delau89. Dytryk was a neighbor of Nicholas of Durag. In Ostroda region he arrived around 1368, since then was given Zehenhuben estates, otherwise Udzikowo90. He came from a Prussian family of Spyraw91of estate Spierau near Gierdaw (now Biestuzewo) 92 . Estate in Dylewo was probably gained through the marriage to Sophia, daughter of Nicholas, at that time the holder of Dylewo. Dytryk’s children were: Dytryk younger Spirau of Dylewo and Gunter of Dylewo93. The Dytryk’s oldest daughter Irmintraut (Ermetrud) married to Tym of Michalow (Thyme von Michelau), bailiff of the Grand Master (1399-1409)and the brother of John of Konojad94, son Gunter married the daughter of Nicholas of Rynsk (see below). So the family came to a close relationship with the families of Culmland. The coat of arms the Spirau family showing seal a deer head growing out of the crown95.


81 According to W. Kętrzyński, Dytryk in 1411, was involved in a conspiracy with commander von Wirsberg and with such as John of Szczuplinski, John of Pulkowa and Frederick Kitnowski fled to Poland and lived there until 1414, but apparently here is confused with Gunter of Dylewo. W. Kętrzyński, O narodowości polskiej, ss. 196–197. Wider of Dytryk of Dylewo see Słownik biograficzny Pomorza Nadwiślańskiego, t. II, Gdańsk 1994, ss. 140–144.
82 OBA, nr 1612; Fortsetzung zu Peter von Dusburgs, s. 487: Item her Ditterich Spira der was eyn merklich scheder unsers ordens; her dirstach unserm orden eynen getruwen man, genant Heyneman Broecke, dorumb her eyne etczliche czeyt endweych, dornoch wart her umb seyner groszen untogunt von eynem andern dirstochen.
83 W. Kętrzyński, O narodowości polskiej, s. 197, literature. Probably the same Dytryk the younger of Dylew gave tribute of fidelity to the great master as a representative of knighthood of the Ostroda land in 1412, Acten, Bd. I, s. 204.
84 OBA, nr 2451: – – Sophye de Delow dominque Theodorico militi ejus filio, necnon Anne conjugi sue – –.Unfortunately, in a folder with the number OBA missing out is a copy of this document, and we have only some of the later copy, probably from the nineteenth century
85 OBA, nr 2538 (1417: – – domino Theodorico Spyrau militi de Delau – –),in this case, in a folder with this number OBA only later (nineteenth-century?) copy of the document; OBA, nr 2719 (1418: – – domino Theodorico Spiraw strenuo militi de Delaw – –); B. Engel, Die mittelalterlichen Siegel des Thorner Ratsarchivs mit besonderer Berücksichtigung des Ordenslandes, II. Teil: Privatsiegel mit Ausschluβ der rein polnischen, Thorn 1895, s. 7.
86 Por. Die Staatsverträge des Deutschen Ordens in Preussen im 15. Jahrhundert, hrsg. von E. Weise, Marburg 1970, Bd. 1, s. 164: Theodorici de Delow iudicis provincialis Osterodensis; też E. Hartmann, Der Kreis Osterode (Ostpr.). Daten zur Geschichte seiner Ortschaften, Würzburg 1958, s. 64; W. Kętrzyński, O narodowości polskiej, s. 194 i n.
87 OBA, nr 957: her Dytherich von der Delaw, next between others, Nicholas of Rynsk and Nicholas of Slomowo. According to J. Powierski Dytryk was the younger, but how to explain the later Dytryk acceptance by the Teutonic Knights, in spite of the clearly hostile attitude. In this case, the murder would have to be of younger Dytryk also back dated to the time after 1422, while the source of these reports on events related only to the Great War. In my identification we have also a weak point, namely, already in 1407, in addition to estate in Dylewo, next to Dytryk is listed Gunter of Dylewo (Das Marienburger Tresslerbuch, pp. 438-439), what easily is explained, if we assume that they were the sons of Dytryka older and more difficult if they were father and son, of course it is possible.
88 Das Pfenigschuldbuch der Komturei Christburg, hrsg. von H. Wunder, Köln 1969, s. 56: Wir haben gegebin her Deitriche von der Dielow 200 m von geheise unsers hoemeisters, dy em unser hoemeister gelegen hot. Earlier, in years 1401–1407, Dytryk was given 18 grzywien from the Order, por. Das Marienburger Tresslerbuch, s. 120 (her Dyterich von der Delow), 438 (her Ditteriche von der Delaw); por. M. Radoch, Pieniężne zapomogi Zakonu Krzyżackiego dla rycerstwa komturstwa ostródzkiego na wyprawy krzyżackie w latach 1399–1409 (w świetle księgi wielkiego skarbnika malborskiego), w: Szkice z dziejów Ostródy i okolic, Ostróda 2003, ss. 32, 38–39, 41.
89 E. Hartmann, op. cit., s. 64; Preussisches Urkundenbuch (dalej: PU), Bd. VI, 2, hrsg. v. K. Conrad, Marburg 2000, nr 808. Paralell to that, was used an old description, por. GStPK, Rep. 100A nr 245, f. 67 (Spirow), dokument z 1394 r.
90 PU, Bd. VI, 2, nr 705; por. W. Kętrzyński, O ludności polskiej, s. 300.
91 First known of the family Henryk Spirov mentioned Corslauken (wkrótce Spierau) w 1355 r., possibly father of Dytryk, por. Słownik biograficzny Pomorza Nadiwślańskiego, t. II, s. 140, zob. PU, Bd. V, hrsg. v. K. Con- rad, Marburg 1969, nr 393.
92 Słownik biograficzny Pomorza Nadwiślańskiego, t. II, s. 140; Otherwise G. A. von Mülverstedt, Zur mittelalterlichen Orts- und Adelskunde Westpreuβens, Zeitschrift des historischen Vereins für den Reg.-Bezirk Marienwerder, H. 34, 1896, ss. 16–17. Author suggests connection with Sporowem (Sparau) near Sztum.
93 Data on family Dytryk lean mainly on new findings by J. Powierski, por. Słownik biograficzny Pomorza Nadwiślańskiego, t. II, ss. 140–144. Dytryk’s family informations based on the exact documents from the years 1417–1418, OBA, nr 2538 i nr 2719.
94 Por. Słownik biograficzny Pomorza Nadwiślańskiego, t. II, s. 141.
95 M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., s. 29; B. Engel, op. cit., ss. 6–7, Taf. II, nr 71–73.The same author found, that the Spirau family was sitting in the Culmland; por. M. Grzegorz, Analiza dyplomatyczno-sfragistyczna dokumentów traktatu toruń- skiego 1466 r., Toruń 1970, s. 141 i pieczęć nr 82.

Gunter of Dylewo

Gunter was the son of Dytryka Spirau of Dylewo, son in law of Nicholas of Rynsk96, active knight, connected with the Lizard Society . Like the others, then the opposition knights, enjoyed great trust from the Order97. After the Great War he had to spend several years in exile in Poland 98. He returned in 1414, by a decision of the court of knights gathered by the new grand champion Michael Küchmeister in Bratian99. He died after 1416, and certainly before 1433. In the older chronicles he was attached to a different family, a different coat of arms: the three semicircular discs oblique and parallel to each other located swords, or boughs tree100. In the past also was accepted that Gunter remained active in Dylewo during the 30s and 40s. In the fifteenth century, it was the younger Gunter of Dylewo (mentioned in the years 1433-1449), probably a nephew Dytryk’s younger and Gunter’s, son of their sister Elizabeth, who sealed with the other coat of arms101.
In addition to the Dylewo near Ostroda he also owned Rukocin by Tczew as well the102, Borowno by the Culm and departments in the Swiecie and in the Waldowo by Lasin103.


96 Acten, Bd. I, s. 185.
97 For example, in 1407, he received the grant in the amount of 10 grzywien, Das Marienburger Tresslerbuch, s. 438; M. Radoch, op. cit., s. 38, 41.
98 Fled to Poland after the arrest of his father in law - Nicholas of Rynsk, after the Peace of Thorn, Lites ac res gestae inter Polonos ordinemque Cruciferorum, t. II, Posnaniae 1892, ss. 271, 274–275. This was done on the advice of friends (ie, probably relatives) and his wife (daughter of Nicholas of Rynsk), at that time the Teutonic troops were already coming after him to Ostroda. Five days after Gunter escape, also with violence his wife was banished from the property, and all the goods took the Teutonic Knights inclusive 300 grzywien that Gunter has received from Casper of Swincza for the estate sale in Rukocin, probably on account of some of his debts. Por. S. Kujot, op. cit., s. 325.
99 Acten, Bd. I, s. 246; S. Kujot, op. cit., ss. 330–331.
100 M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., s. 29; Związek Pruski i poddanie się Prus Polsce, red. K. Górski, Poznań 1949, s. 241; B. Engel, op. cit., s. 6, Taf. II, nr 70. About three branches see. G. A. von Mülverstedt, Der abgestorbene Adel der Pro- vinz Preussen, Nürnberg 1874, s. 13, Taf. 9.
101 Słownik biograficzny Pomorza Nadwiślańskiego, t. II, ss. 143–144.
102 Sold the estate before the Great War, por. K. Bruski, Lokalne elity rycerstwa na Pomorzu Gdańskim w okresie panowania zakonu krzyżackiego. Studium prozopograficzne, Gdańsk 2002, s. 179.
103 M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., s. 28; S. Kujot, op. cit., s. 262.

Eberhard Kunseck

The knight Eberhard, called Cungeseckel, after the Battle of Grunwald "dared" with a violence to master the Krzyzbork castle (Kreuzburg, Sławskoje). For the harm caused to the Order was then decapitated104. According to the later report of the association 1453, Eberhard (Eberhard Kunszecke) was sentenced without a fair trial of the Court (wedir recht und orteil)105, different was the statement of the Teutonic Knights (her worth obirwunden). Given that similar faith happened to others, Nicholas of Rynsk and Nicholas of Pilewic, the version must be believed association. Eberhard was the representative of the German Swabian knights, came to Prussia in the second half of the fourteenth century (after 1368).106 The first time we meet him as a juror and client at Land Court of Bartoszyce in 1398, a year later was a witness on the State document Balga Commander Ulrich von Jungingena107. He was probably a relative of Konrad Kunseck, Teutonic mayor at Laski, most probably killed in the Battle of Grunwald108. Eberhard sons were, John (Hans), Konrad (Kuntz) and Martin (Martin) and a distant descendant Henry of Korsze (von Kunsegk, Königsegg) operating in the mid-fifteenth century.109 Since the beginning the main estate of the family was held around Barcian - Korsze and Modgarby. The first one was paid off in 1402, when he was for the first time defined as a knight.110 Hard to say whether at this time Eberhard was tied up with the other opposition representatives (outside the neighborhood, see below), or whether it was a spontaneous reaction on the wave of the Polish-Lithuanian successes.


104 OBA, nr 1612; Fortsetzung zu Peter von Dusburgs, s. 486: Item her Eberhard Cungeseckel hisch Kruczeborg in und underwand sich aller gewalt, und her domethe unserm orden grosze zcu schaden was, dez her wart obirwunden, dorumb wart her geköppt; por. S. Kujot, op. cit., s. 327.
105 Acten der Ständetäge Preussens unter des Herrschaft des Deutschen Ordens, hrsg. von M. Toeppen, Bd. IV, Le- ipzig 1884, s. 24, 139, 161.
106 G. A. von Mülverstedt, Abgestorbene Adel, s. 35; H. H. Diehlmann, Die Stammtafeln Gallandis. Ihr Wert für den Forscher, ihre Gefahren für den Abschreiber, Altpreussische Geschlechterkunde. Neue Folge, Bd. 8, 1975, s. 155.
107 GStPK, XX. HA, Ordensfolianten (dalej OF) 86, f. 9; GStPK, Pergamenturkunden, Schiebl. XXV nr 105.
108 Długosz, ks. 11, s. 45; Jana Długosza Roczniki, s. 112 – here is mistake Henry (Henricus) Kuszeczke; S. Ekdahl, Die „Banderia Prutenorm”, s. 224. Most possible they were the knights who run away durind the battle (see above).
109 Por. H. H. Diehlmann, op. cit., ss. 154–155; J. Powierski, Prusowie, Mazowsze i sprowadzenie krzyżaków do Pol- ski, Malbork 2003, t. II, 2, s. 365; G. A. von Mülverstedt, Fromme Stfitungen in Preussen, Der neuen Preussischen Provin- zial-Blätter andere Folge, Bd. X, 1856, ss. 128–133.
110 OF 86, f. 12.

Albrecht Karschau (Olbrecht Kaszchaw)

Albrecht Karschau was a knight. Some time after the battle of Grunwald, he "dared" to take over with brutal force the Balga castle and the brothers of Order were driven out. In contrast to the other knights who have rebelled against the Order, Albrecht probably quite quickly and early repented and received forgiveness of the Grand Master and other Order dignitaries111. Nevertheless, already in September 1410, Prince Witold called the knighthood of the Lower Prussia, regions of Balga and Brandenburg (Pokarmina) and by name, only Albrecht Karschau (Karsaw) and Kirstan of Oelsen112 who paid him a tribute, to defend their respective castles against Teutonic knights and promised to help them in the future, possibly with bigger estates, reward in Lithuania113. Here, however, is some doubt. Futhermore we know, that at the end of the siege of Malbork Castle, the Balga castle was again in the possession of the Order, or at least some time after 8 of September, when sheltered the army that was supporting the Teutons114. The above letter of the Duke Witold was dated at little later and in it Albrecht was still considered as a faithful Poland’s supporter. It is difficult to determine whether Albrecht gave Balga back to the Teutonic Knights, and the news of this event was not at the Duke’s knowledge, or if without him it happened at all in the another time. In any event, such an act would certainly be his transgressions to the Order. It is known that in 1412 he paid fidelity tribute to the Great Master von Plauen , as a representative of Balga knights115.
First appeared as a witness on a document of the great commander Wilhelm von Helffensteina of 11 September 1392, issued at the Malbork castle116. Probably he belonged to the court of the Grand Master Konrad von Wallenrode, which is confirmed by subsequent witnessesing on documents, this time issued by the Grand Master Konrad von Wallenrode in 1393117. Here he already was known as a squire (armigera). Afterwards Albrecht Karschau was a trusted servant (diener) of Grand Master Konrad von Jungingen, as such appeared often in the years 1399-1405. In 1403 he was already a knight. Between the others participated in the expedition to Gotland, also received financial grants. In January 1402, he married (not known to whom). After 1405, suddenly disappears from the environment of the Grand Master - or he lost his confidence, or returned to his property (it is known that some unspecified privilege received on November 5, 1400). The latter may indicate his reappearance in 1409118. He may had the knowledge of the Lithuanian language, as in 1399 he accompanied the Lithuanian boyars in the driveway through Prussia119, hence probably Duke Witold mentioned him in a letter of September 1410 r . He was active in June in 1415 and 1417120, died before 1425 121. Albrecht’s origin is ambiguous. We find many estates called Karschau in Prussia, however, his taking Balga castle points out to the location of these estates in Balga district. This is described well in records the Bartoszyce land court after his death, the fate of the Albrecht estates122. We know, that he came from warmian diocesis123. In that case, it would be at that time Karszewo near Korsz124 and Albrecht Karschau would be closest neighbour of Eberhard Kunsecka of Korsze.


111 OBA, nr 1612; Fortsetzung zu Peter von Dusburgs, s. 487: Item her Olbrecht Kaszchaw nam die Balge in und underwand sich do alter gewalt und treyb die bruder unsers ordens von dannen, dornoch gap her sich in des meysters und sey- ner gebittiger gnade und sprach vor en allen, her hette doran nicht getan als eyn bidderman.
112 He was a juror in the Land Court, among others in Bartoszyce together with Eberhardem Kunseckiem, por. OF 86, f. 14v.
113 OBA, nr 1454; Codex epistolaris Vitoldi, wyd. A. Prochaska, Cracoviae 1882, nr 459, s. 214; S. M. Kuczyński, op. cit., s. 459; J. Voigt, Geschichte Preussens, s. 117. By Publisher document was dated december (so by M. Jučasa, op. Cit, p 223), by Kuczynski to October. But Witold writes about the land held by the Culmland coalition other castles, such as Sztum, Pasłęk and Elbląg, while in October they were already occupied by the Teutons (SM Kuczynski, op. Cit, pp. 488-489), hence, in my opinion, the letter should be dated even on September 1410, not long after the withdrawal of Witold from Malbork. In turn, by K. Kwiatkowski and S. Szybkowskiego time of the send document was dated at the turn of September and October, S. Jóźwiak, K. Kwiatkowski, A. Szweda, S. Szybkow- ski, op. cit., s. 520, 702.
114 Długosz, ks. 11, s. 80, Jana Długosza Roczniki, s. 158, 162; S. M. Kuczyński, op. cit., s. 454. It happened after an agreement of Duke Witold of September 8 with Inflanty men, Codex epistolaris Vitoldi, nr 451, s. 212.
115 Acten, Bd. I, s. 204.
116 Pergamenturkunden, Schiebl. 59, nr 9; regest zob. Regesta historico-diplomatica ordinis S. Marie Theutonicorum 1198–1525, hrsg. von E. Joachim, W. Hubatsch, Pars II, Göttingen 1948, nr 1259.
117 Pergamenturkunden, Schiebl. 60, nr 11; Schiebl. 58, nr 16.
118 Das Marienburger Tresslerbuch, ss. 17, 25, 28, 36, 41, 66–67, 72, 80, 87, 105, 111, 125, 142, 150, 153, 172, 195, 198–199, 224, 302, 318, 352, 318, 352, 591.
119 Ibidem, s. 36.
120 OBA, nr 2198; Handelsrechnungen des Deutschen Ordens, hrsg. von C. Sattler, Leipzig 1887, s. 71.
121 OF 86, f. 24.
122 Ibidem.
123 Pergamenturkunden,Schiebl.58,nr16:AlbertoKarschawarmigerisdiocesiswarmiensis;Schiebl.60,nr11;Schiebl.59,nr9.
124 Thus, it seems questionable to assume that Albrecht was of a Balt (Karszowem) origin as think K. Kwiatkowski in Józwiak S., K. Kwiatkowski, A. Szweda, S. Szybkowski, op. cit 520th He had a brother Michael Karschau, mentioned in the years 1400-1425, see ibid, p 520, footnote. 1497, here the relevant sources, OF 86, f On an unspecified time by the Teutonic Knights they were captured and beheaded.


After the Battle of Grunwald someone named Jochart bei Rastenburg with Bardynem - the Mayor of Ketrzyn - seized the Ketrzyn castle and forcibly expelled the brothers. For this act at an unspecified time, both of them were captured by the Teutonic Knights and decapitated125. Jochart was not noted as a knight and his unidentified estate was somewhere around Ketrzyn126. Besides that, nothing certain about him is known127.

125 OBA, nr 1612; Fortsetzung zu Peter von Dusburgs, s. 486: Item Jochart bei Rastenburg und der burgermeister Barddyne nomen das haws Rastenburg in, und sie treben die hern von dannen und underwunden sich aller gewalt, das do was, darumb sie worden geköppt. Por. S. Kujot, op. cit., s. 327.
126 As per C. Beckherrna, he was a member of Lizards, por. C. Beckherrn, Rastenburg histo- risch-topographisch dargestellet, Rastenburg 1880, s. 43, what is only an assumption.
127 Do not rule out, that he was the same as the Godhart, the servant of the Grand Master Konrad von Jungingen in the years 1399-1400, we find him in this role together with Albrecht Karschau, por. Das Marienburger Tresslerbuch, s. 17, 52, 66.

Zbylut (Sbilut)

Zbylut appeared in the testimony to association in 1453, by side Nicholas of Rynsk, Nicholas of Pilewic and Eberhard Kunsegka. It is known that he did not belong to the knights (ein edelman). He was captured by the Grand Master von Plauen and without trial locked in some of the castle’s towers, where he died128. From this time we also know Zbylut Zebowski (Szambowszky), Pomian coat of arms, who appeared in a mill document on the borderline of Trzesacz in Krajno along with another dissident - Stanislaus of Bolumino - in June 1409. It seems that he could be the same Zbylut, who came from the border between estate Zebowo, (Sambowa) near Suponina and Niewiescina129. Then his neighbour would be another run away to Poland and opposition man Janusz of Topolno (Toppolensky) (see below). Probably the same Zbylut (irbir man - Zbylut) we find too in the end of June 1410, as a member of the Teutonic worth on the border with Poland. Then, after some struggle he got captured along with other 23 also armed, by the mayor of Bydgoszcz130. This incident may have an impact on later Zbylut punishment, as he was a knight in the Commandery of Swiecie, managed by Heinrich von Plauen.


128 Acten, Bd. IV, s. 24, 139: Item derselb hochmaister [tj. Henryk von Plauen – GB] hab ainen edelman, genant Swelut, laszen fahen und in ainem turm erfaulen on urtail; ponadto ibidem, s. 161.
129 Kodeks dyplomatyczny Wielkopolski, wyd. F. Piekosiński, t. V, Poznań 1908, nr 149; Lites, II, s. 265. His son could be mentioned in 1436, the Jakusz of Zebowo (of Sammaw) from a circle of Swiec, which in 1433 run away from the state of the Teutonic Knights to Poland, OBA, No. 7166; Jocusch von Sammaw, see K. Bruski, op. cit 247th OBA
130, No. 2991. with error dating of 29 June 1419, the correct year set K. Kwiatkowski, see S. Jóźwiak, K. Kwiatkowski, A. Szweda, S. Szybkowski, op. cit., s. 328. Here is, the identification of the owner of Zebowo by Zbylut. The author considered him as a knight, but used term "erbar man" it is not certain.

Nicholas of Pilewic

After the Battle of Grunwald Nicholas of Pilewic (Niclos Pfilsdorf) and Janusz of Pulkowo(Hans Polcko) - Nicholas of Rynsk’ brother - captured on their own the Kowalewo castle, "dragging men of the Order by their beards" and passing them and the castle to the Polish King.131 It happened in the early days after the Battle of Grunwald, and no later than a few days after the tribute of the Culmland to the King, therefore, at the beginning of August132. At the same time, others (not mentioned by name) Culmland knights took the other centers of the Teutonic Order, namely Radzyn (probably the city), Starogrod, Papowo, Rogozno, Bierzglowo, Kowalewo, Lipienek, Lubicz and Pokrzywno133. This latter information is not too certain, as for example, castle in Radzyn was captured in September after the withdrawal of Polish army from Malbork, although the siege continued, "since the great battle".134 Most probably only in the first stage the local knights swept the city. An important information from Dlugosz, that shortly after the Grunwald battle, the siege had started of the Teutonic Knights centers and acquisition by the Culmland knights.
The capture of Nicholas of Pilewic was probably at the beginning of October 1410, by the Teutonic army invading the Culmland 135. This date can be deduced from comparison with the escape of Nicholas of Rynsk to Poland, which occurred shortly before the 9 of October136. The Teutonic army commanders on the Culmland, were at the time Marshal of Livonia Hermann Vincke with others: of Balga Friedrich von Zollern and Klaipeda Ulrich Zenger, it can be assumed that it was them who imprisoned Nicholas of Pilewic137. They found with him "a few small pieces of Polish banners, as well as several letters from Poland, very sharply treatning against our Order, [also] a pair of letters that he wrote from here to Poland and replays back to him from Poles, that caused a substantial damage to the Order, and that [all] turned out to be true "138 Thus, during search, it appeared that he ran a spying correspondence with Poland. The mentioning of the correspondence is very interesing in its self: is it possible that he retained copies of these documents? Also found several pieces of small Polish banners139, this already was mentioned above.
Soon after and without a trial Nicholas of Pilewic was beheaded. It was an obvious political revenge for his stand in Kowalewo and discovered evidence of cooperation with Poland ("and that's [all] turned out to be true").140 Later, the unlawful punishment by Teutons of Nicholas of Pilewic, and above all Nicholas of Rynsk and his companions, explained that they were involved in the conspiracy with the commander Georg von Wirsberg from Radzyn against Grand Master Henry von Plauen141. In the case of Nicholas of Pilewic it could not be the cause of his arrest, as it clearly happened much earlier. Other Culmland knights on hearing of his imprisonment fled to Poland, as an example, Nicholas of Ryńsk, perhaps Stanislaw of Bolumino. Some came back in November 1410, an example, Nicholas of Rynsk (see below), or after the conclusion of the Peace Treaty of Torun, in accordance with its terms ensuring the grace to fugitives from both sides142. Against Nicholas a completely different arguments were put forward: above mentioned correspondence detrimental to Order and the possession of Polish banners. Some researchers have rejected the authenticity of these objections143, but they seem to be true, if only given the above actions of Nicholas, as well as in the period before the Great War.
Nicholas of Pilewic came from a wealthy family of Prussian descent (von Pfeilsdorf), but long settled in Culmland. Lateral line of this family was later known in Prussia, family von Lehndorf144. Before the Battle of Grunwald he enjoyed a considerable trust of the Order authorities. His name appeared in 1402, then for sold horses to the Order received 66 grzywien145, as the main contractor of the Order to the lipienecki manor. Futher 4 grzywny received in 1404, when he returned as a member of war with Denmark for the island of Gotland146. Again, in 1409, received 12 grzywny for a horse lost during the invasion on Dobrzyn at the beginning of the Great War147. Nicholas of Pilewic belonged to the group of more important and more active knights, representatives of the opposition in the land of Culmland, was also in a close contacts with the knights around Szczytno (see below).


131 OBA, nr 1612; Fortsetzung zu Peter von Dusburgs, s. 487: Item her Niclos Pfilszdorff und her Hans Polcko, die nomen nach dem streyte Schonesee in und nomen alles, was do was, und sie slepten die hern bey iren berten vom hawsze und antworten sie den Polan, deszgleychen auch das haws; por. S. M. Kuczyński, op. cit., s. 432.
132 Kwiatkowski takes until the beginning of August, and more exactly time after the recognition by the representatives of Culmland the supreme power of the l King Władysław, however, part of knights, could considered the sovereignty of the King much earlier (see irrefutable example of Nicholas of Durag). S. Jóźwiak, K. Kwiatkowski, A. Szweda, S. Szybkowski, op. cit., s. 511. S. M. Kuczyńskipointed on 18 July (S. M. Kuczyński, op. cit., s. 432), However, this date is not anywhere. Probably the author suggested that date when Ostroda was taken over by Nicholas Durag.
133 FortsetzungzuPetervonDusburgs,s.486:ItemdieritterundknechtedesColmischenlandesnomenouchinveleslos- ser des Comischen landes, als Reden, Aldehawsz, Papaw, Rogehawszen, Birgelaw, Schonenszee, Leyppe, Lewbitcz, Engelsberg.
134 Długosz, ks. 11, ss. 91–92; Jana Długosza Roczniki, ss. 170–171; S. M. Kuczyński, op. cit., s. 454; por. latest comments K. Kwiatkowskiego w: S. Jóźwiak, K. Kwiatkowski, A. Szweda, S. Szybkowski, op. cit., s. 511, 554.
135 Tak M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., s. 49 i S. Kujot, op. cit., ss. 262, 326–327.
136 October 9 Nicholas of Rynsk estate was already taken over, because a letter was dated by unknown official to the governor of the Grand Master Heinrich von Plauen. OBA, nr 1350: im heere in hern Niczhen von Renesch hofe. Por. M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., s. 22; S. Kujot, op. cit., s. 326.
137 Por. S. Kujot, op. cit., ss. 253, 326–327.
138 OBA, nr 1612; Fortsetzung zu Peter von Dusburgs Chronik von Conrad Bitschin, s. 486: Item her Niclos Pfyleszdorff, bey deme fandt man etczliche cleyne stucke baner, die do woren aus Polan, ouch etczliche briffe aus Polan, die do lawten heffticlichen widder unsern orden, welche czeytunge, die her von hynnen ken Polan schreyp und die Polan widder em, unsers ordens mercklichen schaden antrate, in der warheyt wart irfunden; her wart geköppt. Por. S. Kujot, op. cit., ss. 217, 326–327. From this author, I am presenting the Polish translation, in places improved, ibidem, s. 326.
139 Por. A. Czacharowski, op. cit., s. 85; S. Jóźwiak, Sposoby pozyskiwania, s. 170; idem, Wywiad i kontrwywiad, s. 67, 218; por. S. Kujot, op. cit., ss. 217, 326–327.
140 OBA, nr 1612; Acten, Bd. IV, s. 24, 140 (Niclaws Philszdorffer vahen und enthaubtten lassen an urtail), 161; Pergamenturkunden, Schiebl. XV nr 38; B. Klec-Pilewski, Studia i przyczynki do historii, genealogii i heraldyki polskiej, Londyn 1991, s. 64.
141 Acten, Bd. I, s. 179. A. Czacharowski, op. cit., s. 89; M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., ss. 30–41; S. Kujot, op. cit., ss. 212–216, 317–323.In the document accusing the commander von Wirsberg there was also allegation of conspiring with Nicholas of Rynsk and other knights, including Nicholas of Pilewic, but later he was with the other knights removed from this document. M. Bartkowiak, op. cit 33rd Characteristic that Nicholas of Pilewic, in contrast to other knights, in Wirsberg conspiracy was related only in this one document.
142 Por. J. A. Łukaszewicz, op. cit., s. 175.
143 Ibidem, s. 144 M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., s. 49 i n.; S. Kujot, op. cit., ss. 217, 326–327.
144 Szerzej zob. G. Białuński, Ród Prusa Kleca, zwłaszcza ss. 35–40.
145 Das Marienburger Tresslerbuch, ss. 218–219. 146 Ibidem, s. 296.
147 Ibidem, s. 570.

Nicholas of Rynsk

About Nicholas of Rynsk a lot already was mentioned. The first time with his brother Janusz of Rynsk in 1397.148 Then, Nicholas presided the Lizard Society, and has been a leader of the Culmland banner. It implies a significant trust in him both from the knights, and the Order149. However, at the Grunwald folded flag giving signal to stop the fight. In the early October, on the news of the arrest of Nicholas of Pilewic, fled to Dobrzyn land150. Here he found the refuge in the castle of the Bishop of Wloclawek in Ciechocin151, as in the spirit of October 1409 privilege for the nobility. At the end of November, however, he returned with a group of his men on the Order’s territory, receiving to his request, safe conduct from the commander of Torun Eberhard von Wallenfels at the order of Heinrich von Plauen, a relative of the Great Master. He had to justify himself from his current proceedings in front of the Teutonic brothers, including before the Grand Master152. It appears, that he received forgiveness, as it has been seen from the order of the Grand Master of the Teutonic Knights to give him the care of the farm in Trzciana (near Rynsk) with his armed men (ghesthen) and herd of cattle153. In addition, 28 January 1411, the mayor lipienecki Henry Holt notified the Great Master, that Nicholas of Rynsk gained some intelligence informations through his servant (sent with the knowledge of the Great Master) from the area of the Polish Kingdom and emphasized its usefulness and suitability in all cases to the Order. He asked for a personal meeting of Nicholas with the Grand Master to enable him to report personally on all these matters.154. So far, these events, researchers have evaluated differently, as an attempt by Nicholas of dezinformation, or as an attempt to "save his skin"155. In light of these sources a second opinion should be rejected. But was this a disinformation and "play on two fronts," or was that the actual attempt to work with the Order156, it is difficult to answer unequivocally. However, behind this, seems to speak out the next events and also this, that de facto these information provided by Nicholas proved to be rather incorrect157. It turned out, that at least the Grand Master Heinrich von Plauen remained distrustful towards him. Cited in the current literature, that the commander’s of Torun dated letter 21 January 1411, in which a mistrust towards Nicholas, seems to be in this context over interpreted158. The commander asked the mayor of Rogozno for the help in getting food for his cattle on the farm situated in the Trzciana, the same he also ordered Nicholas of Rynsk159. The mayor lipienecki in his letter of 28 January, informed the Grand Master of some of his earlier letters to the Grand Master that Nicholas of Rynsk was in the awkward situation, and there has been some concern among assembled knighthood in Torun. 160
Finally, some time after the Peace of Thorn, Nicholas was invited to dinner by the mayor of Lipienka - Henry Holt, was treacherously arrested and under an illegal court order and without possibilities of defense, not even reconciliation with God, was beheaded in Grudziadz161.
The official reason for the arrest and decapitation of Nicholas was his involvement in the conspiracy with the commander of Radzyn Wirsberg, to which he had himself admitted at the Grudziądz hearing 162. He was suppose to also indicate other conspirators - Janusz of Pulkowo, Frederick of Kitnowo, Janusz of Szczuplinek and Gunter of Dylewo163. In Polish historiography this conspiracy was questioned, or possibly just back dated to autumn 1410.164 Meanwhile, there is no reason for its unanimous rejection, why Nicholas was not arrested and convicted earlier, and was even endowed with some credit of trust, giving him the management of the Trzciana farm 165.
For the first time indirect information about the conspiracy appeared in a letter May 17, 1411166, and directly on 19 June.167 This conspiracy explains the sudden arrest of Nicolaus of Rynsk and escape from Prussia of the other knights. The purpose of the conspiracy was to overthrow the Grand Master Heinrich von Plauen and for what the knights of Culmland were to receive great previliges and several towns168. Subsequently, weight of these charges against the knighthood has been extended to their supporters von etczlicher herrschaft169. The further information revealed, that the help from Poland and of Prince Witold170 was expected to come, this the latter strongly denied it.171 The Order clearly stressed, that it concerns the period after Peace Treaty173 and it was a new treason172. This information supports the promise to the knighthood by the commander of Radzyn releasing some castle, probably Radzyn174. Earlier it would be rather impossible. It seems, that such manner of detailed confabulation was not possible to create, I will only mention to show the clarity of the oath made mit uffgerakten fingern175. So the precedence ought to be admitted only to the known us documents. It should be assumed that there were some talks between the knights of Culmland and the new Radzyn commander George Wirsberg (he probably became only after March 5, 1411176), who after all had a many personal ambitions and not a bad connections with the Czech’s King Wenceslas IV . Then in turn the knighthood could try to use their contacts with the Polish-Lithuanian side177. In any case nothing came of the anty Order action, all remained at the stage of preparations and plans. Nicholas was sealed with the coat of arms Rogala178. He left a son of that same name, which we meet with his mother back in 1423, when he received the overdue installment for the sale of all their estate to Frederick of Kitnowa179. Nicholas’ the son in law was Gunter of Dylewo. Undoubtedly, Nicholas of Ryńsk belonged to the finest knights of the Teutonic Knights state.


148 Por. G. A. von Mülverstedt, Zur mittelalterlichen, s. 34.
149 This is documented by various forms of assistance and financial benefits from the Teutonic Knights in the years 1402–1409. Por. Das Marienburger Tresslerbuch, s. 155, 165, 218, 346, 561, 568, 570. It is worth emphasizing that Nicholas also repayed the loan, ibidem, s. 330, 338 (1405 ).
150 The Teutonic Knights tried to grasp him at home, as well as others recognized by them to be guilty of treason. Por. Acten, Bd. IV, s. 24: etzliche worden in iren hewsern gesucht, die fluchtig musten werden lange zeit us dem lande.
151 Acten, Bd. I, s. 182; M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., ss. 22–23; S. Kujot, op. cit., ss. 260–261.
152 OBA, nr 1400 (26 november), added after.
153 OBA, nr 1488, part of the letter reprinted: A. Czacharowski, op. cit., ss. 94–95. In his opinion (ibidem, s. 87), Nicholas did not reach the great master, because he did not want to accept it. While the meeting itself is really doubtful, but the Nicholas did seek that in January 1411, to obtain forgiveness from the great master should be without doubt.
154 OBA,nr1251(por.Regestahistorico-diplomaticaOrdinisS.MarieTheutonicorum1198–1525,hrsg.vonE.Joachim, W. Hubatsch, Pars I, Göttingen 1948, nr 1251, here it is the incorrect date January 29, 1410), reprinted in part of the letter: M. Biskup, Z badań nad „Wielką Wojną” z zakonem krzyżackim, Kwartalnik Historyczny, 1959, z. 3, s. 688, przyp. 85; por. A. Czacharowski, op. cit., ss. 87–88.
155 A. Czacharowski, op. cit., ss. 87–89; lately S. Jóźwiak, Sposoby pozyskiwania, ss. 172–173; idem, Wywiad i kontrwywiad, s. 217, discussed here in the earlier literature and sources.
156 Behind this seems to recount K. Kwiatkowski, por. S. Jóźwiak, K. Kwiatkowski, A. Szweda. S. Szybkowski, op. cit., s. 676, przyp. 702.
157 A. Czacharowski, op. cit., ss. 87–88, S. Jóźwiak, Sposoby pozyskiwania, s. 173. Concerned further alleged war plans of Jagiello and Witold. Jagiello was going to cross the bridge built into the Vistula at Slonsk what at the instigation of the marshal of the kingdom ultimately did not do it, in turn Witold had to go along with the Tartars to Plock. The two combined armies were going to bump on Pomerania. About this time, the lack of real war plans, por. S. Jóźwiak, K. Kwiat- kowski, A. Szweda, S. Szybkowski, op. cit., ss. 702–703.
158 A. Czacharowski, op. cit., ss. 88, 94–95.
159 OBA, nr 1488.
160 A. Czacharowski, op. cit., ss. 87–88. A. Czacharowski speculates that this happened due to willful "leakage" of the letter content by request of the Grand Master. On the other hand Nicholas, referring to the mayor lipienecki letter, appologised to him, that he knew nothing about a prison, nor anyone about it, and to nobody did not mention and that he is innocent (– – das her von keynerley gefenknis nichten weis und keynem des bekennet – – das her unscholdig ist – –, OBA, nr 1251; M. Biskup, Z badań, s. 588). It seems, therefore, that it was rumors of prison (probably trapped Nicholas) could be the cause of this knights concern. Mayor decided Nicholas of Rynsk explanation for real and emphasized its usefulness "in all cases".
161 In fact, without the judgment of the Court indicates the final, later, reliable sources, por. Acten, Bd. I, ss. 184–185, Bd. IV, s. 24, 139: Item es hab ein hochmaister von Plawen ainen ritter, genant Niclaws Reynis an urtail la- szen enthaubten, also ibidem, s. 161; Lites, s. 272. The Teutonic Knights side tried to keep the final version of the correct judgment: her wart des mit rechte obirwunden, w: Fortsetzung zu Peter von Dusburgs, s. 486; Acten, Bd. I, s. 179; por. M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., ss. 39–40; S. Kujot, op. cit., s. 324.
162 Acten, Bd. I, ss. 179–180, 186–187; M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., s. 33.
163 Acten, Bd. I, ss. 179–180; M. Pelech, Der verlorene Ordensfoliant 5 (früher Hochmeister-Registrant II) des Hist. Staatsarchivs Königsberg, mit Regesten (nach Rudolf Phillipi und Erich Joachim), w: Beiträge zur Geschichte des Deutschen Ordens, Bd. 1, hrsg. von U. Arnold, Marburg 1986, s. 149, nr 46; M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., s. 33; S. Kujot, op. cit., s. 321.
164 Por. A. Czacharowski, op. cit., s. 89, 95; M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., ss. 36–37; S. Kujot, op. cit., ss. 317–329 Unlike in German literature, in which the reality of the Great Master allegations were accepted, but differentely dated the conspiracy onset , in the spring or early summer 1411, por. J. Voigt, Geschichte der Eidechsengesellschaft, s. 30 i n.; K. Gra- ske, Die Verschwörung Georgs von Wirsberg des Komturs von Rheden und der Eidechsenritter. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Hochmeisters Heinrich von Plauen, Zeitschrift des Westpreussischen Geschichtsvereins, Hf. XXXIV, 1894, ss. 93–104. Here specified for the first time the start before the peace of Torun (G. Sommerfeldt, Die Lage des Deutschen Ordens nach der Schlacht bei Tannenberg und die Anfänge der „Verschwörung” des Georg von Wirsberg, Zeitschrift des We- stpreussischen Geschichtsvereins, Hf. 51, 1909, ss. 66–71), and even at the turn of summer and autumn of 1410. For its conspiracy after the Peace of Thorn in August declares K. Neitmann, Die Staatsverträge des Deutschen Ordens in Preussen 1230–1449. Studium zur Di- plomatie eines spätmittelalterlichen deutschen Teritorialstaates, Köln–Wien 1986, ss. 427–432.
165 As lately K.Kwiatkowski,w:S.Jóźwiak,K.Kwiatkowski,A.Szweda,S.Szybkowski,op.cit.,s.426,przyp.924.
166 Acten,Bd.I,ss.176–177.Still on 5 March 1411 George Wirsberg as the minister of Königsberg issued a bill, OBA, No. 1506. So the conspiracy was detected between 5 March and some time before 17 May. Otherwise K. Graske, who concluded that this was only before June 16, rejecting an ambiguous message Wenceslas IV letter of 17 May, K. Graske, op. cit., s. 101.
167 Acten, Bd. I, s. 177, here 16 June; correct date see. M. Pelech, op. cit., s. 146, nr 36.
168 Acten, Bd. I, s. 179.
169 Ibiden, s. 180.
170 Ibiden, s. 181.
171 Lites, s. 230, letter of 28 October 1412 r.
172 Acten, Bd. I, s. 181: das alles gescheen ist noch dem frede.
173 Por. A. Szweda, Po wielkiej wojnie. Zjazdy polsko-krzyżackie w 1411 roku, w: Kancelaria wielkich mistrzów i polska kancelaria królewska w XV wieku, red. J. Trupinda, Malbork 2006, s. 284; the same author’s comments: S. Jóźwiak, K. Kwiatkowski, A. Szweda, S. Szybkowski, op. cit., ss. 744–745.
174 Acten, Bd. I, s. 179: das her in wolde eyn offen slos haldin.
175 Acten, Bd. I, s. 179.
176 Then he was still a minister in Königsberg, OBA, No. 1506. According to S. Kujota, was a commander of Radzyn before the beginning of February 1411, por. S. Kujota, op. cit., s. 317.
177 Tak też G. Sommerfeldt, op. cit., s. 66; M. Toeppen, Einleitung, w: Acten, Bd. I, ss. 132–133.
178 S. Kujot, op. cit., s. 335; M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., s. 20.
179 Handelsrechnungen, s. 308.

Janusz of Rynsk and Pulkowo

Janusz with his brother Nicholas of Rynsk, was co-founder of the Lizard Society and was the knight of Culmland. After the Battle of Grunwald, together with Nicholas of Pilewic took over the Kowalewo castle and handed it over to Polish King (see above). Most probably he participated in the acquisition of other castles on the Culmland180. From this time little is known about his activity, probably remained in the shadow of his brother. In 1408, he received a loan of 100 grzywien, that had to re-pay at rate of 20 per year181, incidentally, along with him the loan was also received by Konrad of Plachaw, more about it further. Both therefore had financial problems. After the Peace of Thorn, and the arrest of his brother Nicholas, he fled to Poland182, because of his accusation of being involved in the Wirsberg conspiracy, of trying to kill the Grand Master and get the control of Malbork, all in consultation and the help of Prince Witold183. After the beheading of Nicholas of Rynsk, Janusz along with Frederick of Kitnowa, Janusz of Szczuplinek and Gunter of Dylewa were called by knights before the court of Grudziądz and Malbork. When they did not appear, were outlawed and their estates confiscated 184. All these allegations were denied by the Duke Witold in a letter to the Grand Master in October 1412.185 In their defense also also stood up the marshal of Polish Crown Zbigniew of Brzezie, writing: "The knights coming to me, said the fact, that during the war declared themselves on the King’s side with all the other landowners and have made to the King an oath, resulted in a contempt and dislike of the Great Master and the Order, so that the Master and the Order began to persecute them, wanting to deprive them of their life and their estates, as already some were deprived. Thus in fear of harassment, fled to me, promising with the word to appear as the knights in front of the court, as long as to be just ".186 So it is clear, that the Polish side did not accept explanations by the Teutons of repeated treason of the Prussian knights 187. Their case was supported also in April 1413 said Benedict Makrai, the Commissioner of Sigmund of Luxembourg, sent to deal with disputes between Poland and the Order. Ordered the Teutonic Knights the return of their seized estates and the repayment of compensation for their losses188. At that time Nala Janusz widow already appeared, who previously with the childr en was expelled from their estates in Prussia, and found herself in Poland189.Janusz of Pulkowo died in Poland, probably after August 24 and before 28 October 1412 r.190 In Prussia in addition to heritable Rynsk had also Pulkowo, probably acquired through marriage with a widow191, since shortly after the Great War we find him there with a stepson192.


180 About this, the writing reports from the commander of Torun, por. Acten, Bd. I, s. 183: die wedir des homeisters persone und innemunge eczlicher huszer des ordens eyn vorrethnisse angetragen hatte.
181 Das Marienburger Tresslerbuch, s. 464.
182 Lites, ss. 275–276; S. Kujot, op. cit., ss. 324–325. Branch of the Teutonic Order was sent after Janusz and thoroughly searched the whole his estate, and two months later, a Teuton knight of Kowalew confiscated his estate driving out Janusz wife with children.
183 Acten, Bd. I, ss. 182–183; S. Kujot, op. cit., s. 322.
184 Acten, Bd. I, s. 187; M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., ss. 33–35, 40.
185 Lites, ss. 230-231; M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., s. 35; S. Kujot, op. cit., ss. 323–324.
186 Acten, Bd. I, s. 183: Idem autem milites tamquam exules ad ipsum venientes retulerunt, quomodo pro eo, quod adherenciam domino regi tempore gwerrarum fecerant, ubi et homagium cum ceteris nobilibus eidem domino regi prestite- rant, in despectum et displicentiam domini magistri et ordinis incidissent, ita quod ipsi magister et ordo inceperunt eos per- sequi, ipsos vita et bonis privare cupientes, prout fraters aliquos ipsorum privaverunt, et sic ipsi timore concussi ad ipsum marschalcum confugierunt offerentes se ad omnem justiciam parituros ut milites. The text is a bit arbitrary, but gives the sense in translation S. Kujota, op. cit., s. 263.
187 A. Szweda, Po wielkiej wojnie, s. 284.
188 Acten, Bd. I, ss. 184–185; Lites, ss. 230–231, 271–276; M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., ss. 35–36. Lastly wider W. Sieradzan, Misja Benedykta Makraia w latach 1412–1413. Z dziejów pokojowych metod rozwiązywania konfliktów między- państwowych w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej w późnym średniowieczu, Malbork, 2009, ss. 46, 107–109, 111–112, 123–124.
189 Acten, Bd. I, s. 185; Lites, ss. 207, 275–276. Por. M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., ss. 23–24.
190 Por. Lites, II, ss. 67, 207, 230, 275–276.
191 Perhaps after Fryderyk of Pulkowo, por. Das Marienburger Tresslerbuch, s. 65 (1400 r.).
192 M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., s. 23, 47: Hannus von Polkaw und sein Stiefsohn... .

Stanislaw of Bolumin (Boleminski)

Stanislaus (Staske von Bolmen)193 appeared in 1402, when he received a significant amount of money for sold horses to the Order194. Before the Battle of Grunwald Stanislaw belonged to the people of the nearest Grand Master environment, his son Bertold was a servant195 (dyner) to Ulrich von Jungingen. While on their mission to Poland in 1409, mentioned before, they may have already been in contact and actively cooperated with the Polish side196. Apparently Stanislaus had some estate on the border of Krajno there he was a wittness on the document of the Trzesacz mill (10 June 1409), with him was Zbylut Zembowski197.
Shortly after the Battle of Grunwald (July 16) the King Wladyslaw officially commited him to find and identify not only the body of the Grand Master but also of the others198. By the end of July, he was nominated to the royal representatives in dealing with the Culmland199. In autumn 1410, had to flee from Prussia, it is believed that it was with the army of Jagiello200, but not certain. Perhaps an echo of this event can be found in the application of the Prussian association in 1453, "the Great Master [Henry] von Plauen after the defeat at Grunwald arrived in Thorn at his new office, called some of the landowners, and told them to go to the New Town [ Thorn] , wanted a lot of good, innocent people, to eliminate them, but they have been warned, so it did not happen ".201 The escape of Stanislaus and others would have been dated back not earlier than the Nov. 9, and until the middle of December 1410, as then we know of the presence of Grand Master von Plauen in the Thorn202.
In May 1413, the Polish King Wladyslaw intervened with the Great Master for the return of confiscated and destroyed in the Culmland estates by the Teutonic Knights, or at least return its equivalent. The Grand Master said that the estates has just been transferred tohis son and his heirs, so here Stanislaw was not in any way the victim. The more, to his benefit has not dared after the Thorn peace to return to the country 203. Despite this, the mayor of Lipienka three times tried to call Stanislaus in front of the Culmland Court, but not once the defendant has appeared. Therefore, the mayor in a letter of 20 June 1413, informed that the jurors of Land Court have passed Stanislaw's case for a possible punishment in the hands of the Great Master204. It turned out to be not possible, because Stanislaw did not return to Prussia, and by the King was rewarded with a village Plowce, in the Radziejowski district in Kujawy, which was then inherited by his son Berthold and his sons from the second marriage205.
Stanislaw died before 1418, recent studies reject his Polish origin, as the same membership of the Ramult coat of arms 206, formerly widely accepted207. His seal was private: the five in disorder stones on the heraldic shield 208.


193 More about see B. Możejko-Chimiak, Staszek (Stanisław) z Bolomina, w: Słownik biograficzny Pomorza Nadwislańskiego, t. IV, pod red. Z. Nowaka, Gdańsk 1997, s. 259.
194 Das Marienburger Tresslerbuch, s. 218.
195 Lites, s. 204: nobilium Stanislai et Bertoldi filii sui.
196 S. M. Kuczyński, op. cit., s. 112; A. Czacharowski, op. cit., ss. 83–84.
197 Kodeks dyplomatyczny Wielkopolski, nr 149: Stanislausz Bolemiszky. It is difficult to specify which estates they were, just K. Gorski pointed to Dobrcz, which, however, failed to confirm in sources. Stanislaus was more an example of the "mixed treated” (sujets mixtes). K. Górski, J. Pakulski, Udział Polaków w krzyżackich rejzach na Litwę w latach sie- demdziesiątych i osiemdziesiątych XIV stulecia, Zapiski Historyczne, 1987, z. 3, s. 41.
198 Długosz, ks. 11, s. 66, 71; Jana Długosza Roczniki, s. 140, 146.
199 Acten, Bd. I, s. 146; M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., s. 50.
200 A. Czacharowski, op. cit., s. 89.
201 Ziemia Chełmińska w przeszłości, s. 82; Acten, Bd. IV, s. 21: do der homeister von Plawen noch dem streite ken Thorun qwam in seiner newekait und etzliche von den landen vorbottet hatte und sie hiesz in die newstadt ziehen undt willen hatte vil gutter lewte zu richten unvorschulter sachen, und doch gewarnet worden, das es nicht geschach.
202 OBA, nr 1418, letter dated 14 December.
203 Acten , Bd. I, ss. 221–222. Correspondency discussed in: A. Czacharowski, op. cit., s. 89.
204 OBA, nr 1974: Stasken von Bolmen; A. Czacharowski, op. cit., s. 89.
205 A. Czacharowski, op. cit., s. 90; S. Szybkowski, Rodzina Bolumińskich na Kujawach i w Wielkopolsce w XV wie- ku. Działalność, posiadłości, genealogia, heraldyka, w: Hearldyka i okolice, Warszawa 2002, ss. 419–443.
206 S. Szybkowski, op. cit., ss. 437–442.
207 K. Górski, Polacy i Niemcy w ziemi chełmińskiej w średniowieczu, w: idem, Studia i szkice, s. 10; S. Kujot, op. cit., s. 335; Kodeks dyplomatyczny Wielkopolski, nr 149. Contrary to the publisher on the seal attached to the fragment of the document preserved legends "+ ... Ihan bolmi ...". Thus, the piston of seal was inherited from the ancestor of Stanslaw, probably his father - John, see S. Szybkowski, op. cit., ss. 438–439.
208 Blazonowanie za S.Szybkowskim, op. cit., s.438

Janusz z Orzechowa (Orzechowski)

Janusz of Orzechowo was a knight, and one of the Culmland banner commanders during the Battle of Grunwald. His guilt to the Order "alleged betrayal" found only in Dlugosz reports. Janusz was beheaded, without an opportunity to defend, like Nicholas of Rynsk in 1411 r.209
The command entrusted him signifies the high degree of trust that was bestowed to him by the Order. In the year 1405 Janusz was noticed when receiving compensation 8 grzywien for the lost horse during the Gotland expedition. Then in 1408, we find him among the free men in the area of Strarogard210, most probably he had assets in Pomerania, as well as in Sierakowo near Kowalewo211. News of beheading Janusz of Orzechowo by Dlugosz was only given and should be doubtful, because in 1412, some, the knight Janusz (Hans) of Orzechowo paid homage to the Great Master212. We find him in 1413,213 and in 1414214, and even in the early twenties (also in Sierakow and Rynsk).215 He was the successor of Nicholas of Rynsk as a commander of Culmland banner (1419)216 He was a witness of a document the Melmen peace treaty 217. One can assume that was still the same person. The lack of Janusz among the victims mentioned in the Prussian association seems to confirm the mistake of Dlugosz. It is difficult to believe that the commander of Culmland banner was forgotten, but was remembered the almost unknown Zbylut or Jochart. Janusz of Orzechowo probably was a relative of Nicholas of Rynsk, in fact sealed the same coat of arms - Rogala218. In 1422, he had some estate in the Rynsk region219. The close relative of Jnusz was a knight Konrad of Orzechowo. As a knight he occurred in the years 1402-1406220. Then he received from the commander of Malbork an allowance of 10 grzywien221. To continue, in 1406, in person payed off a debt to the Order treasurer at Malbork 26 grzywny222. At least since 1405, he was a juror in the Culm land court 223. In 1411, we can identify him as a member of the judicial bench, having to hear the case of commander Wirsberg conspiracy 224. Therefore proved to be a faithful supporter of the Order.


209 Długosz, ks. 11, s. 128; Jana Długosza Roczniki, s. 214.
210 Das Marieburrger Tresslerbuch, s. 346, 472.
211 W. Kętrzyński, O ludności polskiej, s. 116; G. A. von Mülverstedt, Zur mittelalterlichen, s. 30.
212 Acten, Bd. I, s. 204; G. A. von Mülverstedt, Zur mittelalterlichen, s. 30.
213 A. Szweda, Organizacja i technika dyplomacji polskiej w stosunkach z zakonem krzyżackim w Prusach w latach 1386–1454, Toruń 2009, s. 225.Janusz of Orzechowo was a member of the messengers to the Polish King.
214 OBA, nr 2095(30 June). Grand Master justifies in a letter to Duke Witold the reason of letter to the Polish King for the safe conduct to travel to Lithuania for his deputy Janusz of Orzechowo and others. Pergamenturkunden, Schieble. 65, No. 3 (14 X). Janusz of Orzechowo knight is one of the members of the Grand Master to the Council of Constance. In the same year, in April participated in peace talks with the Polish King in Grabie.A. Szweda, Organizacja, s. 254.
215 S. Ekdahl, Das Dienstbuch des Kulmerlandes (1423–1424), Jahrbuch der Albertus Universität zu Königsberg/Pr., Bd. XVI, 1966, s. 109; Handelsrechnungen, s. 308. His estate was burned during Golub war, OBA, nr 3874 (15 VIII 1422 r.): dy fynde – – haben hern Hansen von Orsechaw vorbrant Renis und Orsechaw und alle seyne gutter, por. S. Ekdahl, Über die Kriegsdienste der Freien im Kulmerland zu Anfang des. 15. Jahrhunderts, Preußenlandes, Jg. 2, 1964, s. 11; OBA, nr 4092 (12 IV 1423 r.); OBA 4144 (23 VIII): hern Hannus von Orsechaw.
216 Acten, Bd. I, s. 331.
217 Die Staatsverträge des Deutsche Ordens in Preussen im 15. Jahrhundert, Bd. I, s. 164: Johannis de Orsuchow vexilliferi Culmensis.
218 K. Górski, Niemcy i Polacy, s. 12; G. A. von Mülverstedt, Zur mittelalterlichen, ss. 30–31; M. Bartkowaik, op. cit., ss. 20–21.
219 OBA, nr 3874. 220 Das Marienburger Tresslerbuch, s. 165, 169, 372. 221 Ibidem, s. 169. 222 Ibidem, s. 372. 223 W. Kętrzyński, O ludności polskiej, s. 598. 224 Ibidem, s. 599.
220 Das Marienburger Tresslerbuch, s. 165, 169, 372.
221 Ibidem, s. 169. 222 Ibidem, s. 372.
223 W. Kętrzyński, O ludności polskiej, s. 598.
224 Ibidem, s. 599.

Konrad of Robakowo

Konrad of Robakowo225, like Janusz of Orzechowo, was a knight and co-commander of Culmland banner. For the "alleged betrayal" of the Order was to be beheaded without the court sentence in 1411.226 His estate bordered with the estate of Nicholas of Pilewic, as well as with Conrad of Plachaw and Jacob of Kobyl (the latter two see below).
In view of the mysterious silence from the significant sources of him as an important person, it is worth considering whether or not he appeared under another name, as was the case with Janusz of Pulkowo and of Rynsk and Nicholas of Kitnowo and the Slomowo. At this stage of research would be difficult to pinpoint this person̨227. It seems that the news of the beheading of Conrad of Robakowo is Dlugosz mistake.


225 U Długosza jest Ropkow lub Replow, most close his name in the Culmland, Robakowo near Pilewic, so it is identified in the literature, see. Jana Długosza Banderia, s. 84.
226 Długosz, ks. 11, s. 128; Jana Długosza Roczniki, s. 214.
227 In the middle of the fifteenth century Robakowo belonged to the owners Dzwierzna, por. Visitationen im Deutschen Orden im Mittelalter, Tl. I, hrsg. von M. Biskup, I. Janosz-Biskupowa, Marburg 2002, s. 210. Specifically, in 1446 were: John Rokusz, coat of arms Marine horse (body of a horse with a fish tail) and Otto Maul of the family Heselechtow, see them. G. Białunski, Ród Prusa Klec, pp. 93-95. During the Great War, however, we do not know any Konrad of Dzwierzna, in none of these families.

Frederick of Kitnowo

Frederick of Kitnowo was a co-founder of the Lizard Society. In the years 1403-1409 received some finacial loans from the Order228. After the imprisonment of Nicholas of Rynsk in 1411, he found himself in exile in Poland. His estates in the Kitnowo, Daszkowo and a farm near Culm were confiscated by the Order229. The return of the estates to him was in 1413 sought by the King Wladyslaw Jagiello, without a success230. Frederick was accused of conspiracy participating with the commander Wirsberg 231 in cooperation of the Duke Witold in the desire to overthrow the Grand Master von Plauena232. The wealth and honor were returned to him only by the Court of knighthood in 1414 at Bratian233. In 1419, he bought the Rynsk estate from Nicholas the younger and his mother234. It is worth noting that the co-founder of the Lizard Society was Nicholas of Kitnowo, brother of Frederick of Kitnowo. In the years 1401-1408 we find him as Nicholas of Slomowo (in the vicinity of Bolumino).235 Nicholas was a knight. He died before the Battle of Grunwald, probably at the beginning of 1408.236 His children, the same year had to pay off a high loan (200 grzywien), their guarantors were uncle Frederick of Kitnowo and Janusz of Szczuplinek237. The brother of Frederick and Nicholas was Janusz of Kitnowo, living "vor der Stadt Czuma Reddin" 238 The family Kitnowski belong to Fink coat of arms - "three golden legs" and used proclamation "Borzymy" 239 Therefore were Poles of origin. In the second stage cousins in a connexion with Rynsk family240 as there is said, that of Nicholas and Janusz of Rynsk the father's sister married father of the Kitnowski brothers 241. Therefore, the notion that the wife of Nicholas, Elizabeth of Slomowo, was the sister of Nicholas of Rynsk and Janusz of Pulkowo appeare to be dubious242.


228 Das Marienburger Tresslerbuch, s. 253, 463, 570.
229 Frederick ran away the day after the imprisonment of Nicholas, his property was first looted and then confiscated by armed Order from Grudziądz, Acten, Bd. I, s. 185; Lites, II, ss. 271–273; por. S. Kujot, op. cit., s. 262, 325.
230 Acten, Bd. I, s. 222, tutaj jako Frederico. 231 Acten, Bd. I, s. 179; M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., s. 33.In the document name was crossed out. 232 Lites, ss.
230–231; Regesta, Pars I, nr 1890 (4 IV 1413 r.) here only surviving next to Gunter of Dylewa and Janusz of Szczuplinek.
233 Acten, Bd. I, s. 246; M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., s. 25, 41; S. Kujot, op. cit., ss. 330–331.
234 Handelsrechnungen, s. 308.
235 Das Marienburger Tresslerbuch, s. 99, 284, 337, 346, 359; Handelsrechnungen, s. 190; G. A. von Mülverstedt, Zur mittelalterlichen, s. 38. The Nicholas of Kitnowo identification with Nicholas of Slomowo wrote for the first time A. Czacharowski, op. cit., s. 79.
236 A. Czacharowski, op. cit., ss. 79–80, 82.
237 Das Marienburger Tresslerbuch, s. 463; A. Czacharowski, op. cit., s. 80.
238 Handelsrechnungen, s. 190; A. Czacharowski, op. cit., ss. 79–80.
239 Por. W. Kętrzyński, O ludności polskiej, s. 602; S. Kujot, op. cit., s. 333; M. Bartowiak, op. cit., ss. 24–25.
240 Acten, Bd. I, s. 184; Lites, s. 272; S. Kujot, op. cit., s. 261, 334.
241 M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., s. 19
242 Zob. A. Czacharowski, op. cit., s. 80.

Janusz of Szczuplinek

Janusz of Szczuplinek (near Kitnowo) first appeared in 1402. Meeting him in the company of such as Nicholas of Rynsk, Nicholas of Szczuplinek and Nicholas of Slomowo in Torun, the representatives of the knights who were greeting the visit of the Polish King Wladyslaw Jagiello in the retinue of the Great Master. They lived in Torun taverns, paid by the commander of Torun 243. Janusz was already a knight. The Order gave him a financial assistance, 244 and was also the guarantor of the loan for the children of Nicholas of Slomowo. So that, he was their legal guardian, indicative of their family ties. In 1409, a loan of 50 grzywien was repaying to the Order 245. After the Battle of Grunwald he is actively engaged for the Polish King, he escaped in 1411 from the country to Poland246. As others, was charged with the conspiracy, involved the Wirsberg247. In May 1413, King Jagiello interceded for him with the Grand Master but to no avail 248. The property of Janusz of Szczuplinek was restored only in 1414, by another great champion Michael Küchmeister on the judgment of the knights court at Bratian249. Still active in 1422, as a witness to the Melnen peace 250.
Janusz of Szczuplinek sealed with the Virgo Violate the coat of arms. He was probably a descendant of Prusa Nauschuty (1293) 251 Later, representatives of the family adopted surname Dabrowski (von der Damerau), from the estate name. He was in the second degree relative of the Nicholas and Janusz of Rynsk brothers 252, believed, that sister of their father married father Janusz of Szczuplinek253. In addition to the estate Szczuplinek as well possessed the Noble Dabrowka near Radzyn and in Wadzyn, village in the pomezania diocese called Kempnath254, or perhaps Kamionka near Kurzetnik255. The last village, Janusz wife had to sell in 1412 to pay off debts to the Order256.


243 S. Kujot, op. cit., s. 165; A. Czacharowski, op. cit., ss. 80–81.
244 Das Marienburger Tresslerbuch, s. 176, 569.
245 Ibidem, ss. 583–584.
246 Lites, ss. 273–274. News of the arrest Nicholas of Rynsk found Janusz in Dabrowka. Immediately fled to Poland. The Teutonic Knights had forced his wife to repay the debt and persuaded her to sell the village Kempnath. They would not let her husband sending money, the Order took also the remaining assets. Por. S. Kujot, op. cit., s. 325.
247 Acten, Bd. I, s. 179; M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., s. 33. Later name was crossed out.
248 Acten, Bd. I, ss. 221–222.
249 Acten, Bd. I, s. 246; S. Kujot, op. cit., ss. 330–331.
250 Die Staatsverträge des Deutsche Ordens in Preussen im 15. Jahrhundert, Bd. I, s. 164: Johannis Czhippelyn. Por. Regesta, Pars II, nr 2163–2164.
251 W. Kętrzyński, O ludności polskiej, s. 144.
252 Acten, Bd. I, s. 185; Lites, s. 273; S. Kujot, op. cit., s. 261.
253 S. Kujot, op. cit., s. 334; M. Bartkowiak, op. cit., s. 19.
254 Lites, ss. 273–274.
255 According to the publisher's source, as well as to S. Kujot, it was Osiek near Gdansk. See S. Kujot, op. cit 262 Indeed the original village was called Kemnade (Kempnate), now Ostrozek (part of Gdansk). The problem in this that the village did not belong to the pomezania diocese. The W. Sieradzan pointed to Karpin, but without any arguments. See W. Sieradzan, op. cit 124th Most likely it was a village near Kurzętnik Kamionka (Kemnate) in Bratian district, this one lay in the pomezania diocese, in the parish of New Town, por. W. Kętrzyński, O ludności polskiej, s. 88; A. Sem- rau, Die Entstehung und Besiedlung der Vogtei Brathian (Kulmerland), Mitteilungen des Coppernicus-Vereins zu Thorn, H. 40, 1932, s. 114, 117, 130.
256 Lites, s. 274.

Jakub of Kobyl (Cobylsky)

Jakub of Kobyl (near Robakowo) appeared in the year 1413, when exiled in Poland, King Władysław Jagiello appealed to the Grand Master, because of his confiscated assets left in Prussia. 257. Therefore, naming him by the Great Master as "adulterous"258 with the other well-known fugitives (Janusz of Szczuplinek and Frederick of Kitnowo) he also can be considered as a representative of the knighthood opposition. He was probably the same as the Jakusz "von Kobil" (or "zum grossen Cobil") mentioned in July 1417 and then after about 1430.259 The first time, he was as the envoy to the Teutonic negotiations with Poland in Solec Kujawski260, most probably he knew the Polish language. At that time belonged to the group of trusted knights of Prussia. Subsequently withdrew from political life, and we find him only in the context on private matters. So, in August 1434 appeared before the court in Torun, along with John of Pilewic (Hennike von Philsdorf), grandson of Nicholas of Pilewic261. The last time he was mentioned before the same court was in 1446 r.262


257 Acten, Bd. I, ss. 222–223.
258 Ibidem, s. 223; S. Kujot, op. cit., ss. 327–328. Next to him are listed some David and Toppolenski who were striving for their estates, and they have been designated as "perfidious refugees", and although David has twice received letters of guarantee, did not take advantage of them. Toppolensky probably come around Topolno near the Swiecie. Por. S. Kujot, op. cit., s. 328. He may be identical with Janusz of Topolno known from the years 1405-1422. Por. Das Marienburger Treslerbuch, s. 367, 552, 584; K. Bruski, op. cit., s. 246. Some indication for such identification may still be outstanding in 1417 for a total payment of a small debt (25 grzywien) incurred in 1410 with Malbork minister. Por. Handelsrechnungen, ss. 91–92. About David difficult to say anything certain, but he could also come from Pomerania, where in 1408, the Czarnoszyc near Czluchow meet Herman and Jakub Davids. Por. Das Marien- burger Tresslerbuch, s. 498. Most probably descendants of Konrad, Dawid’s son (1366). Por. K. Bruski, op. cit., s. 266.
259 Regesta, Pars II, nr 1884; W. Kętrzyński, O ludności polskiej, s. 131.
260 A. Szweda, Organizacja, s. 387.
261 Księga ławnicza Starego Miasta Torunia (1428–1456), cz. pierwsza (1428–1444), wyd. K. Ciesielska, J. Tandecki, Toruń 1992, ss. 77–78. Should be accounted still living son of Nicholas, Jan von Pfeilsdorf, but diminutive identification Hennik indicates younger person, and this was undoubtedly John, grandson of Nicholas, son of Hugon von Pfeilsdorf. Por. G. Białuński, Ród Prusa Kleca, s. 41 i n.
262 Księ̨ga ławnicza Starego Miasta Torunia (1428–1456), cz. druga (1444–1456), wyd. K. Ciesielska, J. Tandecki, Toruń 1993, s. 36.

Kacper (Caspar)

Caspar was mentioned only in the letter of Wladyslaw Jagiello to the Grand Master on May 1, 1413. The Polish King’s letter requested return of the knights’ estates (militibus) of Janusz of Szczuplinek, some called Frederick (undoubtedly Kitnowo) and the one of Kacper263. Caspar was therefore a knight from Prussia, a refugee, whose estate was confiscated by the Order, and in 1413, was still in Poland. Nothing more except of that is known about him264.


263 Acten, Bd. I, s. 222.
264 Perhaps he was Casper of the Swincza, who bought estate Rukocin from Gunter of Dylewo, Lites, p 275 More about him K. Bruski, op. cit 179th Prior to 1419, was ensign of Tczew, and probably in the second half of 1431, received the Knight's belt. This identification is preliminary, because just based on the name and of those contacts with Gunter of Dylewo.

John Surwillo

John was the son of the knight with the Lithuanian origin - John Surwillo265. Since the end of the fourteenth century, he was a servant to the Great Master, often used in diplomatic missions, especially to the Lithuania and Rus. In this role, appeared for the last time in Easter (March 23) 1410.266 Undoubtedly belonged to a group of trusted people following the Great Masters of the Order. This has changed from the time of Grand Master Heinrich von Plauen, who accused him of treason, committed before the war (from Aldin vorgengin czeiten) 267 Following the accusations, his estate was seized from him by the Order 268. Here it is worth to note that John Surwillo earlier have been in a close contacts with the brother of the Grand Master Henry von Plauen, when he hold the position of Bartian attorney, and on this territory he had an estate in Tarlawki269. Thus, the allegations of the Grand Master, who was a person of hot tempered and unwilling to forgive, in this remain the unknown echoes of events, which were reported by his brother. Eventually, some time after 1416, John was restored to the favor of the Order, as we find him in 1423, again as the owner of Tarlawek270. The last time he occurs as a co-owner of the estate in Trinkheim (Trinkekaym) is in the year 1426.271


265 OF 163, f. 56. In 1409 r. collects 8 grzywien; G. Sommerfeldt, Zur Lehndorff-Genealogie, Zeitschrift des Westpreussischen Geschichtsvereins, 1907, H. 49, s. 125, przyp. 3.
266 OF 163, f. 56. More about him see G. Białuński, Nieznany przywilej na Tarławki, ss. 329–331. 267 OBA, nr 1548 i 1550, por. Codex epistolaris Vitoldi, nr 483. 268 Por. G. Białuński, Nieznany przywilej na Tarławki, ss. 334–335. 269 Ibidem, ss. 326–330.
270 Por. G. Sommerfledt, Zur Lehndorff-Genealogie, ss. 125–126.
271 OF 164, f. 40. This seen otherwise by G. Sommerfeldt, that maintained John (Hans) as a representative in the family von der Lauth (von Pröck). Por. G. Sommerfeldt, Zur Lehndorff-Genealogie, s. 125.

Philip of Narzymia (von Wildenau)

Philip belonged to a wealthy family derived on the Polish-Teutonic border - from the Narzymia near Dzialdowo. His father Mentzel of Narzymia, him as well, in the second half of the fourteenth century, received the great estate around Szczytno, a 600 fiefs (Dzwierzuty, where he built a fortified manor house). 272 In the literature, is assumed, that in the period of the Great War Philip of Narzymia took openly the Polish side 273. Unfortunately, at present time there is a shortage of these documents 274. So sometimes, to back up are used details from the ancient literature, as then the authors could still have an access to these documents. We learn from this fact, that during some Polish-Teutonic war, Filip was the first who had sent a messenger to the Polish army in Olsztyn and declared submission to the King, and later to his specific advice , the Polish army could take over Pasym275. At the same time, he tried to keep everything as the top secret and continue to play the role as a loyal subject to the Order, although already made the oath of fidelity to the Polish commander in Olsztynek. Philip on the border of warmia-szczytno led to the certain military incidents. His people, and after from his initiative, the Polish army invaded and looted the supporters of the Order, including knight Nicholas Witkop of Targowa (her Niclos Targuwicz), incidentally, his son in law, as well as his neighbor - knight the Wagila Simon of Linowo276. Among invaded was also a knight Skajbota (her Skaybot) 277 This knight had some estate at the border with Philip’s. Much earlier between them have been a military clashes about the disputed forest (then Philip denied Skajbot with 39 armed men).278 Skajbot was identical with the knight Janusz Skajbot (her Hannus Schayboth) known already in 1402. 279 Philip of Narzymia was blamed for spying to Poles (Mazovia), as well as for hiding Order’s enemies in his defensive manor Dzwierzuta280. As mentioned, the input of the generally assumed existing historiography, these events occurred after the Battle of Grunwald, and Philip probably in the second half of 1410, was captured and executed by the Teutonic Order, as in the other examples being similar and there are no traces of his further activity. In my opinion, the dating of these events in this literature is mistaken. It is much more appropriate to be the year 1414. At first, during the Great War, we know nothing about the capture of Olsztyn by the Polish army (known only is the city surrender), but during the expedition of 1414, the major Polish-Lithuanian force approached Olsztyn and gained it after a weak resistance, this was one of the most important army despatches 281. It is unknown about the separate acquisition of Pasym, and only during the war of starvation acceptable. Finally, one of the notes indicates that the prosecutor from Szczytno informed about the situation in his district to the commander of Elbling in a letter dated for 29 September282.
During the Great War, Szczytno was occupied by the Polish army (from Mazowia) troops and there was no way to report on the events from this region283.
In summary, Philip of Narzymia on Polish side actively was only involved during the starvation war in 1414. He did not meet the Order’s severe punishment, because such knowledge of that time is not known284 and he died before March 9, 1421.285 The estates were taken over his heirs, including the son in law Nicholas of Targowo, who remained loyal to the Order286. Philip’s other sons-in-law were brothers - John and Otto of Pilewic, the sons of the already mentioned knight Nicholas of Pilewic, they were in opposition to Teutons 287. The next son-in-law was the knight of the Culmland, Konrad of Plachaw (Kuntze von Pleumichen, Plenchaw), a neighbor of Nicholas of Pilewic, as well as a neighbour of a commander of the Culmland banner Conrad of Robakowo. Konrad of Plachaw was most probably a member of the Lizard Society 288. Thus Philip, was also been seen among the supporters of the opposition to the Teutonic Order as early as during the Great War, but then did not want to get involved in the conflict directly or his involvement was minimal. The relationship with the opposition shows its subsequent activity in 1414, but also family ties with the opposition knights of the Culmland.


272 G. Białuński, Osadnictwo w średniowieczu i okresie nowożytnym, w: Powiat szczycieński. Przeszłość – współczesność, red. G. Jasiński, Z. Kudrzycki, A. Misiuk, Szczytno 2006, ss. 101–102.
273 H. Gollub, Der Kreis Ortelsburg zur Ordenszeit, Prussia, Zeitschrift der Altertumsgesellschaft Prussia, 26, 1926, ss. 255–257; por. Szczytno. Z dziejów miasta i powiatu, Olsztyn 1962, s. 92; S. Jóźwiak, Wywiad i kontrwywiad, s. 125; S. Jóźwiak, Dobra rycerskie, w: Państwo zakonu krzyżackiego w Prusach, s. 229.
274 OBA, nr 2142. Regest only survived, OBA, No. 2190. Currently, we only have regest, we know the content thanks to the reprint in Urkundenbuch zur Geschichte Allenstein, Bd. 3, hrsg. von H. Bonk, Allenstein 1912, ss. 80–82; Bd. V, 1 Tl., hrsg. von H. Bonk, Allenstein 1926, s. 5 (additions).
275 OBA, nr 2190; Urkundenbuch, ss. 81–82; H. Gollub, op. cit., ss. 256–257; J. Ptak, Wojskowość średniowiecznej Warmii, Olsztyn 1997, s. 195. Here the author considers Philip as an unidentified knight of Warmia.
276 OBA, nr 2142 i nr 2190; Urkundenbuch, s. 81, tutaj Wigels Weyp; H. Gollub, op. cit., s. 256. O Wagilu zob. Szczytno. Z dziejów miasta i powiatu, Olsztyn 1962, s. 77.
277 OBA, nr 2142 i nr 2190; Urkundenbuch, s. 81; H. Gollub, op. cit., s. 256.
278 H. Gollub, op. cit., s. 256.
279 Das Marienburger Tresslerbuch, s. 195.
280 Urkundenbuch, ss. 81–82; H. Gollub, op. cit., s. 256.
281 Długosz, ks. 11, ss. 171–172; Jana Długosza Roczniki czyli kroniki sławnego królestwa polskiego, ks. 11, trans J. Mrukowna, Warszawa 1985, s. 35; J. Ptak, op. cit., ss. 192–193, 195–196. Author dates Philip’s actions also to the period of the war in 1414,
282 OBA, nr 2142.
283 Długosz, ks. 11, s. 80; Jana Długosza Roczniki, s. 157.
284 You can only guess the estate confiscation , such as then lost estate by Bertold of Bolumina, son of Stanislaus, por. S. Szybkowski, op. cit., s. 426, 440.
285 Then already on his property were only heirs, por.OBA,nr614;G.Białuński,RódPrusaKleca,s.47.
286 O nim S. Jóźwiak, Dobra rycerskie, s. 229. His loyalty mentions also regest of the document, OBA, nr 2142.
287 G. Białuński, Ród Prusa Kleca, ss. 39, 47–48.
288 W. Kętrzyński, O ludności polskiej, s. 603.In 1408 he was awarded from the Order large loan of 50 grzywien. In 1409, received from the Order 12 grzywien for the horse lost during an expedition to the Dobrzyn.Das Marienburger Tresslerbuch, s. 464, 570.


Most of the above discussed knights, were the Culmland representatives and the Prussia knighthood, who consciously sought to gain the greater political significance at the turn of the fourteenth and the fifteenth century. This reflected their actions in the opposition before the Battle of Grunwald, sometimes in the form of conspiracy (ie . John Surwillo), as well as their subsequent conduct during the Polish-Teutonic conflict. The probable example of the cooperation with the Polish-Lithuanian side before the Grunwald is the knight Nicholas of Pilewic, providing to the Order erroneous intelligence, and also leading with Poland the unfriendly correspondence to the Order. The opposition actions were not yet of too wide range. After the start of war, the Culmland knights tried to get more benefits from the Order, the evidence was the privilege issued by Order in October 1409, concerning the knighthood of Dobrzyn and Culmland.
The opposition activity cannot be excluded immediately before Grunwald. It is known that Polish-speaking knights participated in the terrain recognition of the Teutonic troops, so it is worth to remind the Polish pennants that were found after the arrest of Nicholas of Pilewic, as well as wondering intelligence results after the withdrawal of Polish troops from the Kurzetnik. During the Grunwald attack of 16 last flags, after the death of the Great Master, the participating Culmland banner had surrendered to the Poles in the final phase of the battle. Knights were captured, difficult to speak of betrayal, banner surrender could lead to other banners flight.
After the defeat of Grunwald, part of the Order knights clearly and openly sided with the Polish King: worked with the Polish-Lithuanian army - winning Order’s castles and paying tribute of fidelity to Jagiello. In this way, in the Polish hands, were passed among others, Ostroda, Kowalewo, Krzyzbork, Balga and Ketrzyn. After the withdrawal of Polish troops in September and October 1410, most of the active knights met severe punishment for their behaviour from the new Grand Master Heinrich von Plauen, with no possibility of a fair court. That happened in the case of Nicholas of Pilewic, Eberhard of Korsze or Jocharta from Ketrzyn and closer unknown Zbylut (probably identical with Zbylut Zebowski). Part of the knights fled to Poland (Nicholas of Rynsk or Stanislaus of Bolumin), only a portion of them from the Great Master earned forgiveness, such as Albrecht Karschau. After a time, some immigrants returned to Prussia, as an example, Nicholas of Rynsk in autumn 1410, others after the Peace Treaty of Thorn. Soon after, the Culmland knights established contact with the ambitious commander of Radzyn George Wirsberg, using their connections with Poland and Lithuania. Their plans supposed to be aimed at the overthrow of the Grand Master Heinrich von Plauen, for the increase of concessions and privileges for the nobility from the new master. However, this was detected. George Wirsberg and Nicholas of Rynsk were arrested, and the latter beheaded. Others were accused, knights (Janusz of Pulkowa, Frederick of Kitnowo, Janusz of Szczuplinek and Gunter of Dylewo) fled to Poland, from there were pushing for the return of their confiscated estates. They gained the support of King Ladislaus and Duke Witold, this also included the other Prussian immigrants, including John Surwillo, Casper and Jacob of Kobyl. Only after the overthrow of Heinrich von Plauen, the vast majority of the knights returned to Prussia, with a few exceptions (eg Stanislaus of Bolumina), and the rest of the Wirsberg conspirers were cleansed by the knight’s court in Bratian 1414.
I note that the knighthood, that was taking stand against the Order were family related relationships or neighbours. So we see the brothers (of Rynsk or Kitnowo), father and son (Dytryk and Gunter of Dylewo), and son and father-in-law (Nicholas of Rynsk and Gunter of Dylewo) and cousins (of Rynsk, Kitnowo and Szczuplinek). Also clearly seen the neighborhood ties, especially in the land of Culmland (Pilewice, Plachawy, Robakowo and Kobyly, Szczuplinki and Kitnowo, Słomowo and Bolumin, Rynsk, Orzechowo and Pulkovo), but also for example in the other area Korsze (Eberhard Kunseck, Albrecht Karschau and perhaps Jochart) and Ostroda (Dylewo and Durag). Another detail is repeatedly shown in the relationship, namely the knighthood debt to the Order. In this case, we do not have a complete data, but the debt had been at least temporarily, among as Dytryk and Gunter of Dylewo, Nicholas of Rynsk, Janusz of Pulkowo, Konrad of Plachaw, Janusz of Szczuplinek, and so the other knight mentioned here - Konrad of Orzechowo, Nicholas of Slomowo and Janusz of Topolno. Undoubtedly, it would constitute one of the important factors of their opposition stance. To maintain here a balance, should be added that among them were also the knights loyal to Teutonic knights. Already well-known examples are the Nicholas Witkop of Targowo289, Simon Wagil and Janusz Skajbota, and I would add, Albrecht of Wigwald (von Wittchenwalde), who was awarded the estate Slawkowo in 1411 "umb Synes getruwen dinstes Willen, den unsern orden in her den groesten noten hat beweist ".290
Faithful to the Teutonic Knights were also some Lizards, generally as an example indicates here Otto of Konojad who after the Grunwald does not seem to meet any punishment (still present in 1417).291 The consistency can be seen in their family action, as his brother Konrad (Kuncze) of Dabrowka (probably a circle of Brodnica) gave to the Order an important service information (September 1409 r .) 292 At the beginning of the fifteenth century, on the territory of the Teutonic Order beside the war with Poland and Lithuania, continued struggle of the Prussian nobility with the supreme authority of the Order. Effort on both sides proved to be futile temporarily, the Order have not weaken the importance of knights, or knighthood have not strengthened its position or gained new privileges. However, the future will belong to the knighthood, in the direction specified by the Nicholas of Rynsk and Nicholas of Pilewic, union with Poland and Lithuania, it will continue and in the effect will bring the Prussian knighthood (in alliance with the townspeople) to the victory over the Order.


289 He in 1412 was awarded from the Grand Master, for the fidelity and merit service during the war, for life 40 grzywien and while traveling, free board for himself, a servant and a horse in the castles of the Teutonic Knights. M. Pelech, op. cit., s. 168, nr 105.
290 Cyt. za: E. Hartmann, op. cit., s. 112.
291 Por. S. Jóźwiak, Wywiad i kontrwywiad, s. 158; o Ottonie w 1417 r. por. OF 95, f. 27.
292 S. Jóźwiak, Wywiad i kontrwywiad, ss. 157–158; Das Marienburger Tresslerbuch, s. 439.


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